Some Remarks on Therapeutic Aspects of Sociological Biographical Interviews

Although sociology and psychotherapy are separate areas of knowledge, today, the numerous points of convergence can be identified between them. There is a general consensus that the role of sociology is to study social life, while the sociologist’s primary goal is to understand and describe the surrounding social reality. According to the classical approach, sociology was supposed to be a value-free science – this assumption was one of its central imperatives for over the century. The sociologist was supposed to gain the understanding of the social life complexity in a disciplined way, implement research procedures, remain objective, and “control his personal preferences and prejudices to perceive clearly rather than to judge normatively” (Berger 1973:27, 28). However, even “the founding fathers of sociology” were aware that sociological knowledge can be used to achieve various aims and values. The idea of social reform conducted on the basis of research work is one of the fundamental assumptions of value-committed sociology.1 This was also one of the guiding prin-

Whether we express it openly or not, to hide our experiences in contact with another human being is not possible. They are what gives character to our contacts. (Mindell [Metaskills: The Spiritual Art Of Therapy] 1996:19) Primum non nocere

Some Remarks on Sociology and Psychotherapeutic Treatment
Although sociology and psychotherapy are separate areas of knowledge, today, the numerous points of convergence can be identified between them. There is a general consensus that the role of sociology is to study social life, while the sociologist's primary goal is to understand and describe the surrounding social reality. According to the classical approach, sociology was supposed to be a value-free science -this assumption was one of its central imperatives for over the century. The sociologist was supposed to gain the understanding of the social life complexity in a disciplined way, implement research procedures, remain objective, and "control his personal preferences and prejudices to perceive clearly rather than to judge normatively" (Berger 1973:27, 28). However, even "the founding fathers of sociology" were aware that sociological knowledge can be used to achieve various aims and values. The idea of social reform conducted on the basis of research work is one of the fundamental assumptions of value-committed sociology. 1 This was also one of the guiding prin-1 What Authors accusing social sciences of submission to colonization and oppression purposes seem to forget (e.g., Denzin, Lincoln 2009b). ciples for the Chicago scholars 2 whose achievements are still referred to by many sociologists, not only interpretative ones. Especially nowadays, in the early 21 st century, it seems that the idea of sociology seen as objective and value-free science has definitely lost its legitimacy. Norman K.
Denzin and Yvonne S. Lincoln claim that "many scholars began to judge the days of value-free inquiry based on a God's eye view of reality to be over," and every research is tangled up in moral and political issues. The authors point out that qualitative research should help positive transformation of the world and declare that the program of the third edition of the well-known handbook edited by them is to: "show how scholars… [can] help create and imagine a free democratic society" (Denzin, Lincoln 2005a:X). According to Denzin and Lincoln, a "quiet methodological revolution," taking place in social sciences, is blurring the distinct boundaries between humanities and various social and political disciplines, as well as common concentration of scientists on "interpretative, qualitative approach to research and theory" (Denzin, Lincoln 2005a: IX). In this process, the methodological principles are partly mixed, as well. A social researcher is becoming a "bricoleur" or patchwork-maker applying any strategies and research materials (Becker 1998 as quoted in Denzin, Lincoln 2005b), his/her task is "to study things in their natural settings, attempting to make sense of, or interpret, phenomena in terms of meanings people bring to them" (Denzin, Lincoln 2005b:3).
Psychotherapy is generally assumed to be a practical activity applying specific psychological influences to cause particular changes in an individual's

Indications of Conducting Biographical Interviews and Rules of Psychotherapeutic Treatment
The discussion on the indications of conducting biographical interviews is to be begun from remarks on the researcher/interviewer-informant relationship shown from the perspective still dominating in sociological "mainstream" discourse. Seemingly, this relationship is frequently presented in reference to quantitative research area which simplifies the depiction of interaction and overlooks difficulties and nuances typical of qualitative, particularly biographical, research. Since the biographical interview might be regarded as one of the types of in-depth qualitative interview (e.g., Chase 2009), the biographical interviewers should be, therefore, guided by the general principles set out in qualitative interviewing methodological manuals. The interviewers' task is to win the respondents' 6 trust and establish a good relationship with them, the investigator should have the competency of using the necessary communication techniques while maintaining neutrality and impartiality in order to avoid personal impact on the views and opinions disclosed by interviewees. Rules of conducting interview refer to the basic skill of establishing constructive relations with others in a given cultural environment, the right attitude, and application of techniques for effective communication: focus on the respondent, avoiding pressure, ability to listen carefully, asking non-suggesting open questions, rules of literal recording of responses. 7 Although the unstruc- 6 The notion of the respondent is used in the article with reference to non-narration and non-biographical studies. 7 An interviewer should be dressed similarly to the respondents. If it is not possible, the interviewer's outfit should be neat and clean; interviewers should be "at least nice…, communicate honest interest in getting to know the respondent, without making impression of spying… [they should be] relaxed and friendly without excessive ease or persistence" (Babbie 2006:291-293 [trans. AGG, MG]). tured interview has a formula of an everyday conversation, "researchers have to constantly remind themselves that it is not" (Babbie 2006:329 [trans. AGG, MG]); an indiscretion or error on the part of the interviewer might cause disturbance of the course of the interview, or even the loss of earned trust (e.g., Babbie 2006;Fontana, Frey 2009). At the same time, the researcher/interviewer has a large freedom in constructing interactive situation with the interviewee. It seems that the above instructions for interviewers are still a kind of canon taught to students of sociology, especially at European universities. Let us emphasize that in the majority of schools of psychotherapy similar professional behaviors are treated as conscious and deliberate actions to achieve the therapeutic effects. However, at this point, it is worth referring to the current stream of sociological methodological reflection which treats the described canon as a set of techniques for manipulation, limiting the respondent's role to an object only serving extraction of specific information. Political and historical entanglement of social research is emphasized here, qualitative interview ceases to be described as a neutral tool, it becomes a social situation "grounded in specific interactional episodes" (Denzin, Lincoln 2005c:643), or -otherwise -the interaction of complicated nature.
The interviewer happens to be an empathetic interactive partner, a spokesman of the study group under oppression, a practitioner of "friendship methodology," or a narrator interpreting data through the prism of personal experiences from the relationships with the interviewees. Even the embarrassing and discreditable events can be treated, in this case, as an important research material. 8 Although other researchers, 8 In the extreme form, social scientists, representing the autoethnography approach of sociology, analyse traumatic processes and episodes of their own lives, such as the biography of the disabled child's parent or the abortion of unwanted pregnancy of the couple of scientists (Zakrzewska-Manterys 1995; Ellis, Bochner 1992 as quoted in Chase 2009). functioning (Aleksandrowicz 1994;Grzesiuk 1994;Jankowski 1994), however, determining a single definition of psychotherapy and the relationship between the psychotherapist and the client (or "patient") is rather impossible. Among representatives of various psychotherapeutic schools, at one edge of the continuum, there are those who draw psychotherapeutic practice close to medicine -by identifying and removing or curing the disorders diagnosed by the therapist -at the other edge, therapy is defined as a specific way of accompanying individuals during their process of changing themselves on their own. In this context, some humanist psychotherapy schools deserve particular attention -the therapist consciously avoids intervention, shows his/her unconditional respect for the client and empathic understanding of the client's problems. Carl Rogers (1951), the founder of client-centered therapy, underlined that such attitude is essential and at the same time sufficient factor of reaching therapy aims as it allows the client's independent progress. According to another outstanding therapist -Milton Erickson (Erickson, Rossi 1996) -people change themselves during the psychotherapy process self-dependently (though, up to a certain stage, they are frequently unaware of this process), while the task of the psychotherapist is just to create the conditions in which the client can react spontaneously and differently in comparison to his/her past behavior. In other words, psychotherapy means initiating client's activities for realization of the goals that the patient desires to achieve.
Considering the approaches of sociology and psychotherapy shortly outlined above, an assumption arises that while in some schools of sociology the willingness to engage in the processes of social change increases, some schools of psychotherapy move in the opposite direction -to reduce intervention. The purpose of the value-committed sociological research is rather to provide the knowledge needed to design social change, by solving the specific problems of social life, 3 than to cause changes in one's -these changes can constitute, at best, the indirect effect of the reformists' impact on the whole population. However, it is quite likely that the mere usage of certain techniques of gathering research material can lead to mobilization of reflection and emotion of an individual with reference to one's past and present, and -consequently -to changes in the intra-psychic area and in attitudes and behaviors. Such a possibility appears with particular intensity when using the biographical methods, which we refer to herein. The social actor's narration about his/her life course from the subjective perspective is meant to be a starting point here for theoretical generalizations (Włodarek, Ziółkowski 1990) but it can also become a significant, new, personal experience for the informant (and sometimes the researcher, as well 4 ). To some extent, the psychotherapist and the biographical interviewer experience similar situation: meeting of two people -one of whom narrates about oneself while the other is the participant and the witness of this narration. 5 therapists are required to be able to function in a constructive and creative way in contact with another person (relationship skills), to create the right atmosphere based on mutual trust, security, emotional presence. They are expected to be careful, understanding listeners, to demonstrate attending skills and interpersonal sensitivity (show empathy), with simultaneous avoidance of over-identification with the situation or emotions of the client. Therapists should also be able to adjust their communication style to the personality of the client, to show warmth and sense of humor, directness and confidence, and to avoid destructive behaviors causing discomfort or resistance of the client.
in response to such attitudes, claim for restraint and auto-reflection, pointing out to the illusory concept of friendship between the researcher and the interviewee (Fontana, Frey 2009;El-Or 1992 The way of telling life-(hi)stories depends, among other factors, on the culture in which the narrator was raised, the gender, and the social class, which causes that the interviewer must be able to adapt to the interviewee's style of behavior and language. 9 In a way, conducting narrative interview is a paradoxical situation -the researcher must be well prepared to formulate an adequate narrative stimulus while the unique life-story is itself yet to be told, its content is unknown and it is not possible to fully prepare, in advance, for the meeting with the bi- The rules of functioning of the biographical interviewers and the skills which they should possess, if we attempt to enumerate them, turn out to be close to the skills recommended within most schools of psychotherapy (see Figure 1). Professional psycho-9 These obvious -as it seems -indications are not always taken into account in real field-work situation, especially, in the case of significant socio-demographic differences between the interviewer and the informant.

The biographical interviewer
General rules of in-depth interviews set in accordance with cultural norms The role of empathizing listener Active-listening techniques, scenic-memory techniques, commentaries, suggestions, proposals (Rosenthal 2003) The psychotherapist Relationship & attending skills: building mutual trust and safety, emotional presence, being active and understanding, showing interest and empathy, "being in tune" to client's communication skills, his/her behavior, and personality traits Showing interpersonal sensitivity with simultaneous avoidance of over-identification with client's emotions and situation, avoidance of destructive behavior possibly resulting in client's confusion or/and resistance Source: Self-elaboration.
Most of these skills are classified by Amy Mindell (1996) as the so-called "meta-skills" shaping the personal style of the therapist and playing a much more important role than the use of particular techniques typical for a given "school" or belief in any psychotherapeutic ideology. Probably, the crucial value of psychotherapy will always remain the healing power of the very meeting, the conversation with another person, which takes, as it seems, not so much from the specific therapeutic training as from the attitude of openness and willingness to experience emotions in contact with others.
The principles of conducting biographical in- The fourth phase of "additional inquiry" is dedicated to ask additional questions -first, internal, than -external in relation to the main story. 12 The fifth, ending phase has normalizing function -again through small talk, the narrator (and the interviewer) cognitively and emotionally return to the beyond-narrative reality (Hermanns 1987;Riemann 2003;Schütze 2009). Thus, in the case of autobiographical narrative interview, we deal with the rigorously structured interview course -identifying five phases means that the "auto-biographical" interviewer uses a certain technique of working with people. The interview structure and process resemble therapy process (see Figure 2) where the first step is also to make contact with the client and The phenomenon of three constraints is best recognized with reference to autobiographical narrative interview, yet, their impact is noticeable in other types of biographical interviews, as well as in written autobiographies (see Schütze 2009:175). 15 Interesting references to the literature in this field can be found in the text "The Analysis of Professional Practice, the Self-Reflection of Practitioners and their way of Doing Things. Resources of Biography Analysis and Other Interpretative Approaches" (Dausien et al. 2008 In her text, Rosenthal gives an example of a Shoah survivor -the woman constantly buying herself shoes and treating this compulsion as a sign of her madness. Rosenthal's question "Can you recall a situation at the camp that in some way involved shoes" resulted in recounting the dramatic situation, previously not consciously connected with this "symptom.". This sequence through gaining biographical self-understanding brought the effect of releasing the narrator from the conviction about madness (Rosenthal 2003:927  23 And continues that the biographical structuring as orienting techniques appeared also in professional settings targeted at personal and professional development of the individual, e.g., through professional counseling or supervision in helping professions (Fischer-Rosenthal 2000:120). It might happen that during the interview there comes to 4) the transformation of cognitive schemes and related emotions of the narrator:

Curative Factors in Psychotherapy Versus Biographical Work
Well, for sure, my father had some influence on my present behavior. For sure, the mother ((longer pause)). But somewhere, besides this, that, that, that… y I bear some grudge against her…she gave me some wise tips, I still remember them, I try to use them, yes.
The father engrafted this, it might be the curse, this pedantry in me. Sometimes it is the curse, but, but he engrafted in me this respect for tidiness, for some- points to an attempt to make sense of past suffering, which due to becoming a lesson or warning for the wider social environment will not be forgotten, and thus, "wasted." 25 It seems that narrators formulating similar statements, provide consent to participate in sociological research with a sense of mission, deliberately treating the researcher as information carrier to a wider community. Secondly, some parts of the narration take the nature of confession in which the narrator reveals some guilt.
Biographers might experience remorse, excuse their behaviors, and -in a way -present themselves as people of conscience, (possibly) expecting at the same time that the biographical interviewer will show understanding towards these events and behaviors of the narrator or judge them: 25 Obviously, in such parts of narration past emotions are released. situation, and what "personal" content they reveal.
If they are authentic and compassionate in reactions -they are likely to create a good atmosphere of the meeting, which might increase the amount of information and influence the content disclosed by the narrator. In turn, the attempt to maintain maximum neutrality means that the researcher can be taken as an "indifferent" person, which also might affect the emotions and behavior of the informant. But, even in this case, the narrator will probably attribute his/her own expectations, attitudes, and evaluations to the interviewer -like in the phenomenon of transference in psychotherapy. Depending on the content of these projections, the narrator might select material, recall some aspects of life and omit other, interpret memories in a specific way, reconstruct life-stories, and adapt reflections.

Conclusions
Conducting biographical interviews and the practice of psychotherapy are both based on specific, at many points convergent, procedures, norms, standards, and ethical principles. In the case of both activities, these rules can potentially be broken or abused, which depends primarily on the attitudes and skills of the professionals. The main difference between interview and psychotherapy seems to lie in the fact that while in an interview a variety of content and experiences that can lead to changes occur unintentionally, "at the margin" of the researcher's goals, in the case of therapy they are the essence of the meeting. If the narrators realize that they are the authors of their biography themselves -then we can achieve the fulfillment of one of the essential conditions for personal development.