Studia Ceranea <p style="text-align: justify;">The task that the Editorial Council of <em>Studia Ceranea</em> has set before itself is the gradual creation of a scientific journal, interdisciplinary in character, which will offer specialist articles, reviews and notes on newly published monographs. Along these lines, we will attempt to cross the limits of the narrow specializations restricted to Byzantine or Slavic studies; the papers contributed would represent various aspects of the Late Ancient, Byzantine and Slavic culture of the eastern Mediterranean Area <em>largissimo</em> <em>sensu</em> and South-East Europe, which – we claim – forms an integrity, for all its diversity. Consequently, the journal, based on previous models of other respectable journals devoted to similar subject matters,&nbsp; utilizes the methodology and achievements of disciplines used in the study of Late Antiquity, Middle Ages and early Modern Era and is ready to face the new challenges posed by contemporary humanist thought.</p> en-US (Jolanta Dybała) (Firma Magis) Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 OJS 60 Jan Prostko-Prostyński, A History of the Herules, Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu im. Adama Mickiewicza w Poznaniu, Poznań 2020 [= Historia, 244], pp. 196. Sławomir Bralewski Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Николай A. Кънев, Византия и България на Балканите. Студии върху политическата история и българо-византийското имперско противоборство на Балканския полуостров през периода VII–X в. (Византинобългарски студии II) [Nikolay A. Kănev, Byzantium and Bulgaria in the Balkans. Studies on the Political History and the Bulgarian- Byzantine Political Conflict on the Balkan Peninsula in the Period 7th–10th c. (Byzantine-Bulgarian Studies II)], УИ “Св. св. Кирил и Методий”, Велико Търново 2021, pp. 308. Yanko M. Hristov Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Mobility of Serbs in Early Modern Times. Some Remarks on the Margins of Ilona Czamańska’s New History of Serbia. Ilona Czamańska, Historia Serbii. Od pojawienia się Serbów na Bałkanach do 1830 roku [History of Serbia. From the Arrival of the Serbs in the Balkans to 1830], vol. I, Wydawnictwo Naukowe UAM, Poznań 2021 [= Biblioteka Europy Środkowej i Południowo-Wschodniej], pp. 280. Piotr Kręzel Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Ronald A. Bleeker, Aspar and the Struggle for the Eastern Roman Empire, AD 421–71, Bloomsbury Publishing, London 2022, pp. XII, 234. Łukasz Pigoński Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Doctrine of the Ordo Sclavoniae in Light of Western Sources and the Issue of the Origins of the Dualist Heresy in Bosnia <p>The issue of the Bosnian church – or more precisely the dualist heresy in Bosnia – has caused serious controversies among scholars since the 19th century. The main aim of this paper is to shed new light on this controversial issue, through the analysis of the doctrine of Slavonic dualism (<em>ordo Sclavoniae</em>) based on Western sources. The subject of the analysis will be the sources concerning the contacts of the Cathars from France and Italy with the heretics from Sclavonia and especially the sources containing information on the doctrine, such as the 13th-century Italian sources presenting the doctrines of the Cathars belonging to <em>ordo Sclavoniae</em> (Cathar churches of Bagnolo and March de Treviso) and later, 14th and 15th-century sources presenting the teachings of the heretics from Bosnia.</p> <p>The aim of the analysis will be to reconstruct the doctrines of Slavonic dualism (<em>ordo Sclavoniae</em>) in order to find its distinctive features (especially comparing with two main forms of Bogomil-Cathar dualism – Bulgarian and Drugunthian) and to answer the following question: which doctrinal conceptions had the most significant influence on its formation? Knowledge concerning the sources of inspiration for the dualist doctrine of the <em>ordo Sclavoniae</em> will enable us to draw conclusions concerning the origins of Slavonic dualism, its evolution and to assume an attitude towards scholars’ conceptions concerning the character of the Bosnian heresy.</p> Piotr Czarnecki Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Paristrion as Centre and Periphery: from Byzantine Border Province to Heartland of the Second Bulgarian Tsardom <p>In 1185, after a successful revolt against the Byzantine empire, the so-called second Bulgarian kingdom was established on the territory of the former province of Paradounavon/Paristrion, that had been the first area of settlement of the Bulgars who had crossed the Danube and established their state in 681, and had become a peripheral region of the Byzantine empire after the conquests of Tzimiskes and Basil II. Even before the 1185 revolt, however, Paristrion had already begun to develop an embryonal degree of self-consciousness, although not in a ‘national’ way, owing to its peculiar history and ethnic composition. During the course of the 9th–12th century it had experienced a constant influx of invaders from the north, many of whom had in the end settled, either forcibly or after reaching an agreement with the imperial authorities. Those mixobarbaroi, half-civilized barbarians (according to the Byzantine point of view) had gradually integrated with the local population, made of Bulgarians, Vlachs, and Byzantine soldiers, settlers and administrators coming from the various provinces of the empire. When the military presence on the Danube was strong the region prospered economically, and became integrated in a vast trade network managed by Cuman and Rus’ traders and raiders; but during the 12th century the empire gradually withdrew its troops and its interest in Paristion, and this relative prosperity began to diminish. Coupled with the remembrance, in popular traditions, of the past glory and abundance of the first Bulgarian empire, and with the increasing fiscal burden that oppressed the local traders, the Paristrians gradually became convinced that their future prosperity, much like at the time of the first Bulgarian kingdom, was in their independence from the empire. Once again, this peripheral region began the centre of an independent polity that traced its roots in the past Bulgarian kingdom, but exhibited also some radically different traits.</p> Francesco Dall’Aglio Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Indian River that Flows from Paradise <p>In the <em>Jewish Antiquities</em> (I, 1, 3), when paraphrasing the passage of Genesis 2, 10–15, Flavius Josephus notes that the four rivers springing in paradise are the Phison (<em>Φεισὼν</em>), which passes through India and is called Ganges by the Greeks, the Euphrates and Tigris, which flow into the Red Sea, and finally the Geon, which crosses Egypt and is called the Nile by the Greeks. Starting from Josephus’ comments, this research focuses on the various interpretations of the Genesis passage, and in particular on the references to the Phison in the writings of the hellenised Jewish and Christian authors. The contents of these texts show common traits with Greco-Roman sources that describe India as a utopian space outside of history. Therefore, the analysis of the documents reveals how a sequence of texts developed over the centuries, starting from a utopian image of India and reaching a definition of a land close to paradise.</p> Chiara Di Serio Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Byzantine Incubation Literature between Religion and Medicine: Food as Medicament in the Collection of Healing Miracles Performed by Saints Cosmas and Damian (BHG 373B) <p>Byzantine incubation literature is the term used in research to denote early Byzantine collections of healing miracles (5th–7th century) in which the saint’s miraculous intervention is related to the incubation experience. Despite the centrality of the concepts of disease and healing in such literature, the relationship between medicine and Christian religion needs to be further explored. Based on the Egyptian collection of <em>Miracles of Cosmas and Damian</em> contained in manuscript <em>Lond</em>. <em>Add</em>. 37534 (<em>BHG</em> 373b) as a case study, this paper intends to: (1) present those miraculous accounts where food is treated as medicament, starting from a close reading of the relevant passages; (2) looking at the (Byzantine) medical knowledge integrated in these narratives.</p> Giulia Gollo Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Disease, Healing and Medical Knowledge in an Old Bulgarian Collection of Miracle Stories <p>The Old Bulgarian hagiographical collection of miracle stories, named <em>A Tale of the Iron Cross</em>, is relatively well known among the scholars, but a sufficient number of its details still has not been studied properly. In fact, such a peculiarity seems somehow strange, especially if we take into consideration that the mixture of translated and original strata in the present <em>Tale’s</em> version does not hinder its significance as a valuable primary source of historical information. There can be no doubt that the religious aspect in the hagiographical collection in question is the leading one in the foreground. On the other hand, however, the records of the daily life activities should not be underestimated either. Their presence within the frames of the <em>Tale</em> helps a lot in the scholars’ attempts to reconstruct the knowledge, skills, habits or principles of social behaviour in the Bulgarian society in the late 9th – early 10th century.</p> Yanko M. Hristov, Dafina Kostadinova Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Aconite – a Poison, or a Medicine? Ancient and Early Byzantine Testimonies <p>Aconite (<em>Aconitum napellus</em>) was one of the most notorious, poisonous plants in the ancient world. Its dangerous, lethal power – present in leaves, roots, stem, and tuber – was well known to the Greeks and the Romans from the earliest times. Evidence of this phenomenon is not only present in archaeological findings, but also in many writings – biographies, poems, legal codes, etc.</p> <p>However, the most precise and detailed accounts come from treatises written by botanists, physicians and encyclopaedists, like Theophrastus, Nicander, Pliny the Elder, Dioscorides, or Galen, and by early Byzantine authors, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, and Paul of Aegina. In their testimonies, one can find descriptions of aconite, its influence on the human body (and animals), and remedies for affected people.</p> <p>In contrast, there are few passages from these sources that inform the readers about the healing properties of aconite. According to these fragments, carefully administered, aconite could be helpful in some therapies, but its use was extremely hazardous, as even a small part of the plant could kill a man.</p> Krzysztof Jagusiak, Konrad Tomasz Tadajczyk Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Τέρνοβος, ἐν ᾗ τὰ βασίλεια ἦν τῶν Βουλγάρων: the Role of the Bulgarian Capital City According to Ῥωμαϊκὴ ἱστορία by Nikephoros Gregoras <p>The paper is devoted to a detailed analysis of direct and indirect references to Tărnovo, the capital of the so-called Second Bulgarian Tsardom (12th–14th centuries) in <em>Roman history</em> of Nikephoros Gregoras, an outstanding Byzantine scholar of the first half of the fourteenth century. An analysis of the passages devoted to this city leads to a conclusion that the status of the city was fully obvious to the Byzantine historian – this was the main, capital city of the Bulgarian state, in which its rulers permanently resided, without holding which one could not be a fully legitimate tsar of the Bulgarians and exercise real power of the northern neighbours of Byzantium. Thus the conflicts over power in contemporary Bulgaria focused primarily on taking Tărnovo. The Bulgarian tsar departed with military expeditions most often from this city, having gathered in its vicinity armed forces, and to this city Byzantines and rulers of other neighbouring countries sent their envoys to meet with the Bulgarian autocrat.</p> Kirił Marinow Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Future Constructions in the Medieval South Slavonic Translations of Vita Antonii Magni <p>This paper aims at systemising the observations on the constructions used for expressing Future tense in the three known Old Slavonic translations of <em>Vita Antonii Magni</em> by Athansius Alexandrinus. The text was first translated in the early Old Church Slavonic period, while two other (Middle Bulgarian) translations were written in ca. 14th century. This makes the text suitable for observing the different strategies for expressing Future tense, both regarding the translation technique and its dynamics on a synchronic level, i.e., vis-à-vis other translations from the period, and from a diachronic perspective, i.e., paying closer attention to the discrepancies between the three translations themselves. The paper focuses on the Future periphrastic constructions used in the three Slavonic translations of the Life of St Anthony the Great by Athanasius of Alexandria. <span style="font-size: 0.875rem;">The approach is based on the relation with the Greek <em>Vorlage</em>, thus analysing closely the situation attested in the Greek original. Observations are made regarding the usage of the periphrases in the Slavonic texts adducing comparative material for similar phenomena from other early (Preslavian) and Middle Bulgarian texts. Some examples provided, as well as those from other texts, might suggest that the Old Church Slavonic periphrases were used not only to express Future tense per se, but for every non-Indicative (or non-factual) Present.</span></p> Ivan P. Petrov Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Distant Origins of “Fat Shaming” or why the People of Antiquity did not Ridicule Fat Women <p>The phenomenon of “fat shaming” (in particular with its aspect of the especially harsh criticism of the corpulence in young adult women) seems nearly non-existent in the ancient Classical literature. The extant satirical depictions of fatness are uncommon and aimed, almost exclusively, at overweight men. The author of the paper analyses this satirical description, its background in the ancient moral philosophy, as well as comments on plumpness and gluttony in the context of assessments of the female physical beauty. He also attempts to explain how some ancient ideas may have evolved in the attitudes of today, showing some examples from the 19th-century prose as a step in the reshaping of the ancient ideas. Eventually, the author makes an attempt to offer a better understanding of this contemporary phenomenon, which only in some of its elements may be seen as rooted in Antiquity.</p> Michał Stachura Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Iustitia and Corruptio in Liber Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada <p>After 476, Flavius Gundobadus, King of the Burgundians (473–516), sought ways and means to consolidate and strengthen his power, including through legal regulation of the relations between the Burgundians themselves, on the one hand, and between the Burgundians and the Gallo-Romans, on the other. Thus, <em>Liber&nbsp;Constitutionum sive Lex Gundobada</em> was issued, the main purpose of which is the legal regulation of the complex relations in the kingdom, through a codification of the preserved customary law – an embodiment of tribal traditions, practices, and customs, with reasonable use of Roman legal ideas, notions, and norms.</p> <p>The translation and analysis of selected provisions from <em>Lex Gundobada</em> in this paper show the extent to which the Burgundians perceived, received, adopted, and adapted some of the most valuable Roman legal and moral rules and principles, especially the Roman concepts of <em>iustitia</em> and <em>corruptio</em>, and how the rights of both the Burgundians and the Romans were regulated and protected through them.</p> <p><em>Lex Burgundionum</em> is part of a series of legal Barbarian codes, compiled, adapted, published, and applied in the Barbarian regna between the 5th and 9th centuries. These codes are one of the significant and true sources for the historical reconstruction of the socio-political, socio-cultural, and legal-administrative transition from the late Roman Empire to the German kingdoms and early medieval Europe. They manifest how historically the arena of clashes, confrontations, and wars between <em>Romanitas</em> and <em>Barbaritas</em> gradually became a contact zone of legal reception, of cultural, legal, and socio-political influences, from which a new world will be born, a successor to the old ones, and a new legal system –&nbsp;the Romano-Germanic one.</p> Dorothea Valentinova Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Multi-lingual, Pluri-ethnic Orthodox Monasticism in Palestine and on Sinai, in the Light of the Liturgical Sources with Particular Reference to the Liturgical Manuscript Sinai Arabic 232 (13th Century) <p>The multiple similarities between the Greek and Syriac eucharistic liturgies of Antioch and its hinterland on the one hand and the Jerusalem Liturgy of Saint James on the other hand situate Jerusalem within a single cultural area as regards liturgical life. Compared with Antioch, however, we have much more early evidence for the Liturgy of the Hours in Jerusalem. Main sources, which are briefly presented in the paper, are</p> <p>a) the <em>Itinerary</em> of Egeria, who in the 380s produced extensive liturgical notes on celebrations in the Anastasis cathedral and the related stational sites;<br />b) the Armenian Lectionary, 5<sup>th </sup>century, which gives more specific detail of the services held in Jerusalem;<br />c) the Georgian Lectionary, 6<sup>th </sup>century, which gives a slightly later stage of the material described in the Armenian Lectionary;<br />d) the Old <em>Iadgari</em>, or first Jerusalem Tropologion, entirely preserved in Georgian.</p> <p>It is clear from these documents that the Anastasis Cathedral was officiated by monastic communities of different ethnic origins who used their own languages for their liturgical offices. We also have considerable evidence for this period for the Lavra of Saint Sabbas in the Judaean desert, where several ethnic communities prayed separately in their own languages, coming together only for the Eucharistic synaxis (in Greek).</p> <p>This multi-ethnic situation continues today on Mount Athos and continued throughout the Middle Ages on Sinai. The vast library of manuscripts at Saint Catherine’s monastery is well known. It contains manuscripts in a very wide variety of Christian languages, including numerous liturgical texts.</p> <p>The Manuscript Sinai Arabic 232 (13th century) contains a complete Psalter, a complete Horologion and other texts. It can be shown to be of Alexandrian Melkite origin, used by Arabic-speaking monks who were part of the Sinai community. There are archaic and specifically Egyptian, and even Coptic, elements that are of special interest.</p> Andrew Wade Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Cook (mageiros) in Byzantium. Was there any Female mageiros? <p>The paper studies terms describing cooks and cooking activities that are preserved in Byzantine literature and draw their origins from the ancient Greek literature as well as from biblical and theological texts. Despite some development regarding the preference to the term <em>opsopoios</em> and <em>opsartytēs</em> without ceasing to use the term <em>mageiros</em> for the male cook, as well as the term <em>demiourgos</em>, only the latter is used for women to signal solely the preparation of pastries. It is proved that the conceptualization and connotations of the term <em>mageiros</em>, which are presented in detail, prevented its attribution to women. Further proof on the use of feminised masculine nouns for female professions or occupations in literature and the more concrete evidence on the services recorded in the <em>typika</em> of nunneries display the absolute abiding of the conscious avoidance of the term for women’s involvement in cooking.</p> Ilias Anagnostakis, Maria Leontsini Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Phenomena of Bogomilism in the Context of Hagiographic Literary Works <p>Hagiography represents a special literary genre, which primarily deals with the life of the Saint, also providing information on certain historical events. Taking into consideration the complexity of the genre, it is a common impression that the credibility of the historical narrative is debatable and it can oscillate from subjective to objective positions. Thus, the purpose of the article is to reconstruct certain aspects on Bogomilism as a medieval dualistic movement, having in mind the content of hagiographic literary works. In that respect, the focus will be concentrated on the issue whether and to what extent hagiographic literary works can be treated as a relevant source material. Especially if we suppose that the information related to Bogomils can be indirect, incidental, biased, or having a legendary character. Of course, where possible, comparisons will be made with the accounts from the relevant historical narratives. According to the chronological order several examples from the hagiographic literature will be taken, as: <em>The Short Life of St. Clement</em>, written by the Ohrid Archbishop Theophylact, <em>The Life of Hilarion of Moglena</em>, <em>The Life of St. Sava</em>, <em>The Life of Theodosius of Trnovo</em> as well as <em>The Life of John Vladimir</em>. Despite the difficulty in identifying the authenticity of the historical events, in our case concerning the Bogomilism, hagiographic texts still contain useful material about that how Bogomilism functioned in certain periods and what were the repercussion for the protagonists of the movement.</p> Maja Angelovska-Panova Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 “Where do these terrible diseases and pestilences come from?”. Illness in the Roman World in Light of the Ecclesiastical History of Eusebius of Caesarea <p>Eusebius of Caesarea did not put diseases at the center of his introduction to <em>Church History</em>. He used them instrumentally to promote his theses. Therefore, he neither referred to the medical knowledge of that time nor did he conduct their scientific classification or description. Nevertheless, Eusebius’ account contains observations about the sick and their afflictions. The Bishop of Caesarea clearly distinguished between diseases suffered by individuals and those that plagued the masses. In addition, they can be divided into diseases of the body, diseases of the mind, and diseases of the soul. Eusebius treated disease as a tool in God’s hands, with the help of which He intervened in history for the benefit of Christians. For Eusebius, the best physician of the body and soul was Jesus Christ, who, with his miraculous power, healed all diseases, expelled unclean spirits and demons, and even raised the dead.</p> Sławomir Bralewski Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Portrayal of Abbasid Rulers in Chronography of Theophanes the Confessor <p>This text supplements another, a paper presented a decade ago on the portrayal of Umayyad rulers in Chronography of Theophanes the Confessor (B. Cecota, <em>Islam, the Arabs and Umayyad Rulers according to Theophanes the Confessor’s Chronography</em>, “Studia Ceranea” 2, 2012, p. 97–111). I am limiting myself here to discussing only those source remarks which directly concern one of the Abbasid Caliphs, or alternatively, to narratives structured in such a manner that they implied certain traits of a ruler. General remarks concerning the portrayal of the entire dynasty have been included, both in the main text and in the footnotes, only where this was necessary for the understanding of the context in which the Caliphs’ descriptions appear.</p> Błażej Cecota Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 A Neglected Medieval Helmet from Lucera in Italy <p>The authors of the present article intend to draw the attention of the scientific community to a Medieval Great Helm found in Lucera, southern Italy, at the end of 1980, and presently unpublished. The importance of the helmet – belonging to the last quarter of 13th century and being one of the older specimens of that category existing in the world – has been until now neglected, and it is the intention of the authors to produce an initial analysis of the helmet, its history, technical characteristics and historical background.</p> Raffaele D’Amato, Andrey Evgenevich Negin Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Reception of John V. A. Fine Jr.’s The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation: Interesting Sleeve of a Never Ending Historiographical Debate <p>Historiography about the medieval Bosnian Church is a vast and complicated labyrinth, with many different sections and subsections regarding its teachings, where authors are least likely to find a compromise, or some common ground. Very often, the ruling ideologies have intertwined their interests and influences in this field of medieval study, causing the emergence of very intense emotions in wider circles of population. One remarkable episode in history of research and study of the Bosnian Church is the occurrence of medievalist from United States of America, John V. A. Fine Jr., who arrived in Bosnia and Yugoslavia at the peak of the Cold War. Fine proved to be a very meticulous researcher, who produced a book under the title: <em>The Bosnian Church: A New Interpretation. A Study of the Bosnian Church and its Place in State and Society from the 13th to the 15th Centuries</em> which immediately caused disturbance and wide range of reactions. With his aligning with the historiographical stream which doesn’t see the Bosnian Church as a dualistic heretical institution, rather a monastic community independent from both of the big churches of the time, Fine gave additional fuel to this theory, a theory somewhat weakened in that period as its main protagonist Jaroslav Šidak had a change of mind. The main goal of this paper is to study the immediate reactions on Fine’s thesis, in forms of reviews of his book, as well its influence in the subsequent decades of the historiographical studies of the Bosnian Church.</p> Dženan Dautović Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 The Attack of the Rus’ on Constantinople in the Light of the Chronicon Bruxellense <p>The <em>Chronicon Bruxellense</em> does not simply provide useful information on the date of the date (year, month, and day) of the Rus’ attack on the Constantinople (18 June 860), but is crucial for a deeper understanding of nature of this chronicle and his sources. The article reveals important details about the date and structure of the <em>Chronicon Bruxellense</em>. It also offers his sources of description of Rus’ raid and identifies George Monachus Continuatus’s chronicle as the principal model. By seeking to construction the victory over the Rus’, his anonymous author presents as a skilled compiler. This paper engages with recent discussion on the first attack of Rus’ on the Constantinople, while also contributing to the renewed interest in the reception of the <em>Chronicon Bruxellense</em> in the late Byzantine literature.</p> Oleksandr Fylypchuk Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Повесть о юноше и чародее в славянской книжности <p><strong>A Narrative about a Young Man and the Magician Mesites in the Slavonic Medieval Tradition</strong>. This article is devoted to the study of the Narrative about the Young Man and Magician that widely circulated in the Medieval Slavonic tradition. The authors analyze the existing versions of the Narrative that formed part of the Svodny Paterik and Prolog, and also establish the closest Greek sources. The study explores various Slavonic and Greek recensions of the Narrative and offers their textual analysis. The Slavonic and Greek versions of the text are placed in the Appendix.</p> Irina M. Gritsevskaya, Viacheslav V. Lytvynenko Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Some Questions about the Slavic Tribes that participated in the Anti-Bulgarian Uprisings along the Mid-Danube in the First Decades of the 9th Century <p>The article tries to answer three questions related to the tribes that came into conflict with the Bulgarian state during its expansion to the west in the first third of the 9th century. And the questions addressed in it are: 1. How many and which tribes were in conflict with the Bulgarian state?; 2. When were the lands of the Timociani annexed by the Bulgarian state?; 3. Where were the lands of the Abodriti-Praedenecenti and what caused the Bulgarian aggression towards them? After a thorough review and criticism of the sources and research on the issues under consideration, the following conclusions have been reached. From the beginning of the study of the problem how many tribes participated in the unrest against the Bulgarian state, P. Šafárik has the idea that among the tribes in the narrative sources, can be found other tribes as well. Thus appear the tribes of Bodriči (sounding, perhaps, like Krivichi), Kučani (Guduskani), Braničevci and others. After an assessment of the information in the <em>Annales Regni Francorum</em>, it turns out that the only tribes recorded in the source that had a clash with the Bulgarian state in the period were the Timociani and Abodriti-Praedenecenti. Since it is not directly related to the events that took place in 818, the question of when the Timociani lands were annexed to the Bulgarian state is hardly touched by the researchers. After research and exclusion of other possibilities, the thesis is defended that this could have happened recently after the Bulgarian conquest of Serdica in 809. With the inclusion of Serdica within the Bulgarian borders, Bulgaria controlled south of the Danube River not only the Danube plain but also the territories lying along the Thessaloniki-Danube axis. From this point on, the territories lying along this axis could be gradually taken over. Being further away from Byzantium, the lands located north of Sredets are more easily assimilated. It is in these territories that the Timociani fall. Given all the above, it can be assumed that it was after the capture and absorption of Sredets that the Bulgarian State looked northwest, but still south of the Danube river, where the Timociani lived. It seems that at this time an alliance was made with them, which turned out to be not particularly lasting. About the habitation of the Abodriti-Praedenecenti tribe in the information of 824, it is recorded that they lived in Danubian Dacia and were neighbours of the Bulgars. On the question of where this Dacia is located, which in its description does not correspond to any of the previously known Dacias, many hypotheses have been expressed, and in modern times most researchers are of the opinion that the lands of the Abodriti-Praedenecenti were located along the Left Bank of the river Danube, on the territory of modern Banat, i.e. east of the river Tisza. New evidence has been added to the localization of these habitations. In this case, the following question logically arises: provided that the Timociani lived on the Southern, Right Bank of the Danube, what caused the unfriendly relations of the Bulgarian state to the Abodriti-Praedenecenti living on the other side of the Big River? Given the size of the Danube River, it is quite difficult to cross and to transfer the fighting to the other bank of the Danube clearly should have had serious reasons. One of the possible explanations for this could be the transfer of the Timociani to their territory, on their way to the West, thus creating a <em>casus belli</em> for the Bulgars.</p> Nikolay Hrissimov Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Bulgarians, Cumans, Teutons, and Vlachs in the First Decades of the Thirteenth Century <p>The article refers to some aspects of the history of today’s Bulgarian and Romanian territories, going back to the end of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century. First, the author emphasizes the impact of the Teutonic Order in Burzenland on Bulgarian-Cuman relations in the period under question. The article provides a different alternative viewpoint on the events of the second decade of the 13th century. Contrary to researchers who focus on the South and the Bulgarian-Latin conflict, the author seeks a solution to the problem by analyzing events in the North, reaching the lands of Burzenland region in Eastern Transylvania. He analyses the Teutonic-Cuman conflict of 1211–1222 and the success of the Teutons in Cumania after 1215. The author concludes that the dramatic change in the Bulgarian-Cuman relations could be explained by a new source of military and political influence that emerged in the second decade of the 13th century – the Teutonic Order. Next, the paper is aimed at the highly discussed and controversial issue of Bulgarian-Vlach relations during the rule of the Assenid dynasty. Based on the written sources, the author explains the mass presence of Vlachs in the actions of the first Assenids with specific social, economic and political factors in the last two decades of the 12th and the beginning of the 13th century.</p> Ivelin Ivanov Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Two Byzantine Seals from the Excavation of the Medieval Fortress “Malkoto kale” (Yambol Region, Bulgaria) <p>The present article aims to put into scholarly circulation two new unpublished Byzantine lead seals from the medieval fortress in the area of the village of Voden (municipality of Bolyarovo, Yambol region, Bulgaria). They were handed to the Regional Historical Museum in the town of Yambol as a result of the regular archaeological excavations of the site near the village of Voden, conducted in the period 2012–2019. The first seal dates from the last quarter of the 11th century and has a bust of the Holy Virgin with a halo and a round medallion with the image of the Infant Jesus Christ who blesses with both hands. From the legend on the reverse, it is clear that the bulla belonged to a Byzantine dignitary named Michael Tzitas, who advertises himself with the title of (<em>proto</em>)<em>kouropalates </em>and the position of <em>doux</em>. The second seal dates from the end of the 11th – the beginning of the 12th century and has an interesting and relatively rare iconographic plot depicting three military saints on the obverse, and an invocation to them on the reverse. The seal belongs to a clergyman – a metropolitan bishop of Athens, named Nicetas (<em>Νικήτας</em>).</p> Nikolay Kanev Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Written Languages in Moldavia during the Reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) <p>The language of the Moldavian books and chancery documents written during the reign of Peter Rareş (1527–1538, 1541–1546) shows an unneglectable variability depending on the purpose, addressee and format of the texts. Using all kinds of preserved texts from this period, we have tried to describe this variability focusing on the texts written in the Cyrillic script. These texts are evaluated according to three criteria: spelling, morphosyntax and vocabulary. The most prestigious variety was the Trinovitan (Tărnovo) variety of Middle Church Slavonic. Its shape in the texts, belonging to the common Church Slavonic legacy, shows the lowest impact of the Moldavian linguistic environment. The original Church Slavonic bookish texts composed in Moldavia (Macarie’s Chronicle, Enkomion to St John the New, colophons and inscriptions) show a variable proportion of Moldavian spelling and morphosyntactic markers. The chancery documents can be characterised by blending of Church Slavonic and Ruthenian (Ukrainian-based) elements. Except the Ruthenian-based documents addressed to Poland, the chancery documents are basically Church Slavonic shaped with Ruthenian infiltrations on the level of some fixed formulas, function words and few lexical items. Moreover, Slavonic letters sent to Transylvania show tiny Wallachian Slavonic influence, manifested by forms of Serbian chancery origin. Monastery charters combine CS-shaped Ruthenian formulas with Trinovitan Church Slavonic formulas, partly shared with colophons and inscriptions. Thus, the Moldavian written legacy shares common elements both with the Wallachian milieu (e.g. Romanian Cyrillic spelling of proper names, Romanian impact on morphosyntax, specific terminology etc.) as well as with a broader Ruthenian area (mainly the eastern part of the Polish-Lithuanian Union).</p> Vladislav Knoll Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Gnesioi filoi: George Syncellus and Theophanes the Confessor – Addenda <p>The paper provides the addenda to A. Kompa, <em>Gnesioi filoi: the search for George Syncellus’ and Theophanes the Confessor’s own words</em>, <em>and the authorship of their oeuvre</em>, Studia Ceranea 5, 2015, p. 155–230. All the expressions crucial to the stylistic and stylometric argument on the authorship of the <em>Chronography</em> of Theophanes have been updated after 7 years and verified in the expanded TLG database. The updated results are presented below. The conclusions confirm the previous opinions on the individual, singular authorship of the chronicle of Theophanes with differences in style from the first part of the universal history, written by George Syncellus. At the same time, both works should be treated as a single project, and the prooimion to Theophanes’ part as a sound base faor the reconstruction of the writing process. The clauses <em>ὡς προέφην</em>, <em>καθὼς καὶ</em> προέφην, <em>ὡς προέφημεν</em>, and <em>καθὼς</em> <em>προέφημεν</em> are specific to the <em>Chronography</em> of Theophanes in their frequency and diversity, but they seem to be known and used by the circles from which Theophanes acquired his literary skills.</p> Andrzej Kompa Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Représenter la flaua bilis: le portait du colérique dans l’Iconologia de Cesare Ripa <p><strong>Representing the <em>flaua bilis</em>: the Portrait of the Choleric in Cesare Ripa’s <em>Iconology</em>. </strong>The theory of the four humours (blood, phlegm, yellow bile and black bile) forms the basis of ancient medicine. Coming from the Hippocratic corpus and completed by Galen of Pergamum (129–216 AD) in his <em>De Temperamentis</em> by means of individual complexions (blood, phlegmatic, angry, melancholic), this theory is essential in modern Europe after more than two thousand years of transmission, development and practice of medicine. Our article aims to examine its fortune in the <em>Iconology</em> of the Italian scholar Cesare Ripa (1555–1622). Starting with the Roman edition of 1603, he enriched his famous allegorical repertoire with a complex entry encoding the four temperaments: <em>Collerico per il fuoco, Sanguigno per l’aria, Flemmatico per l’acqua, Malenconico per la terra</em>. We work here only with the Choleric and undertake to determine the reasons which governed the choice of the attributes retained by C. Ripa (youth, nudity, sword, shield adorned with a flame, lion, fury in the gaze) to offer poets, painters and sculptors the archetype of a figure dominated by yellow, hot and dry bile. To this end, we analyze the medical, literary and iconographic sources on which the author relies, considering also the richness and complexity of the medical discourse he had at his disposal and the very purpose of his <em>Iconology</em>.</p> Magdalena Koźluk Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Legal and Fiscal Situation of the Serbs in the Patriarchate of Peć during the First Decades of the 18th Century <p>In the early modern era, the Serbs who lived in the Balkan Peninsula under Ottoman rule formed what was known as a <em>millet.</em> From 1557, their leader was the head of the Patriarchate of Peć, whose jurisdiction and scope of territorial powers were constantly determined by an official document issued by the sultan – i.e., a berat. The aim of the article is to characterise the legal situation and fiscal obligations of the Serbian people in the Ottoman Empire in the period between their first (1689/1690) and second (1737–1739) migration. The research focuses on the times of Patriarch Arsenije IV Jovanović Šakabenta (1698–1748) and his methods of obtaining various kinds of tributes <em>(dimica, svadbina</em>) to pay the annual <em>kesim</em> tax to Hazine-i Âmire. The text also analyses the areas where the Patriarchate of Peć held jurisdiction in the first decades of the 18th century.</p> Piotr Kręzel Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 The Violation of Christian Graves in the Light of Eusebius’s Ecclesiastical History VIII, 6, 6–7 <p>The main focus of the article are the reasons and circumstances behind the desecration of the graves of the Christians in Nicomedia in the year 303, as presented in Eusebius’s account. A short time before that, another wave of persecutions directed at Christians had begun there on the order of Emperor Diocletian. When a fire broke out in the imperial palace, Christians were named as responsible for setting the fire (<em>incendium</em>). After they had been sentences to the death penalty, they were executed by beheading with a sword (<em>decapitatio</em>), burning alive (<em>crematio, vivicomburium</em>) or drowning. However, as we can read in the <em>Ecclesiastical History</em>, the repression did not end there, as it was decided that the bodies of the convicts were to be exhumed and thrown into the sea. The current article aims at analyzing the above events from the perspective of regulations and customs observed by the Romans with reference to convicts and their bodies. Moreover, while rejecting Eusebius’s claim that the desecration of the graves was dictated by the fear that the burial ground of the martyrs might lead to the development of their cult, the article analyzes the possible motives for attempting to eradicate all the traces of the executed Christians on the side of the Roman authorities. With the aid of Lactantius’s account, the article discusses, among others, the concept of treating Christians as enemies (<em>hostes</em>).</p> Izabela Leraczyk Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Marcellinus Comes on Emperor Anastasius A Handful of Remarks <p>Anastasius was for Marcellinus not only a historical figure, but a ruler whose reign he was first able to observe from the perspective of his native Illyricum, and later as an inhabitant of Constantinople. The dominant influence on Marcellinus’ attitude towards Anastasius, as has already been pointed out many times, had been the Emperor’s religious policy, to which the chronicler, as a supporter of the orthodoxy, was opposed. Undoubtedly it was also not indifferent to the manner of Anastasius’ portrayal that at the time of the creation of the first <em>Chronicle</em> Marcellinus was either already associated with Justinian, or wanted to gain recognition in the eyes of Justin I, who after taking over the power after Anastasius’ death had taken action to reverse the negative outcomes of his predecessor’s religious policy.</p> Mirosław J. Leszka Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 The Competition for Cumania between Hungary and Bulgaria (1211–1247) <p>Because the alliance between the Cumans and Bulgaria was a danger both for Hungary and the Latin Empire, it was preferable for Hungary to extend its domination over <em>Cumania</em>. The Teutonic knights were settled in south-eastern Transylvania in 1211 to defend it against the Cumans, who, after 1214, became enemies also for Bulgaria. Besides the few fortresses built in the Bârsa land, there is no certain proof for an expansion of the Teutonic Order outside the Carpathians, and by consecquence of the Hungarian kingdom, in the period before the Mongol invasion of 1241. After the departure of the Teutonic knights in 1225, <em>Cumania</em> became the target of the Dominican mission which was present since around 1221 in <em>Terra Severin</em>, a north-Danubian Bulgarian possession. The Cuman bishopric was established in 1227. The subjection of these Cumans made useless the preservation of the Hungarian-Bulgarian alliance closed in 1214, and the consequence was the annexation of <em>Terra Severin</em> by Hungary, sometimes between 1228 and 1232, as a Banat. The final act of the Hungarian expansion in <em>Cumania</em> was the introduction of the title of King of <em>Cumania</em> by Bela IV in 1236. The region where it was established the bishopric of <em>Cumania</em> continued to be under the influence of the Church of Tărnovo, even after the end of the domination of the Bulgarian state in this north-Danubian territory. In 1241, the Cuman bishopric was destroyed by the Mongol invasion. Because the Golden Horde domination did not extend west of Olt in the first years after 1242, Bela IV tried to regain positions by summoning the Hospitaller Knights in 1247. <em>Terra Severin</em> remained a part of the Hungarian kingdom, but the function of Ban was abandoned or suspended. One mission of the Hospitallers was to extend the Hungarian domination in <em>Cumania</em>, in the regions which were then conquered by the Mongols. The Mongol domination prevented the emergence of a Cuman kingdom in Moldavia, vassal of Hungary. Only the decline of the Golden Horde made possible a new penetration of the Hungarian kingdom in the former <em>Cumania</em>, in 1345. The former <em>Cumania</em> entered in the new states created during the 14th century by the Romanians liberated from the Hungarian domination, Wallachia and Moldavia.</p> Alexandru Madgearu Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 28 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Cyril of Scythopolis on Relieving the Damage in Palestine Inflicted during the Samaritan Revolt (529–531) <p>The text analyses a short account by Cyril of Scythopolis concerning the imperial decision to finance the repair of the damages caused in Palestine by the Samaritan uprising of 529–531. A description of the alleged circumstances of this decision and information regarding the amount of the sum granted are examined. According to Cyril’s account, the granted sum, 13 <em>centenarii</em> of gold, was to be set aside from the tax revenues of Palestine and then used to rebuild (only) the ecclesiastical and monastic infrastructure. It is not clear from the text whether the repair of the aforementioned damage was to be financed only in the area of <em>Palaestina secunda</em> (where the main fighting of the rebellion took place) or also in <em>Palaestina prima</em>. Moreover, there is no mention in the text in question (as well as in other sources of the period) of the financing of the repair of other damages, which undoubtedly were also caused by the Samaritan uprising. The issue that interested the author most was the amount of money that the Emperor Justinian allegedly allocated for the above-mentioned purpose. In order to verify the amount, the author compared it with other data showing the abundance of the imperial treasury at the time of Anastasius and Justinian, as well as reached for other information on the wealth of the cities at that time. After analysing this data, the author has come to the conclusion that, despite some doubts, the sum of 13 <em>centenarii</em> of gold (1,300 pounds) mentioned by Cyril and allegedly allocated by the imperial court to repair the damage caused by the Samaritan uprising seems quite reasonable.</p> Ireneusz Milewski Copyright (c) 2023 Fri, 30 Dec 2022 00:00:00 +0100 Ideology behind the Naming: On the Origin of Basil II’s Appellation ‘Scythicus’ <p>The paper examines the terminology used by the Byzantine authors of the 10th and 11th century as regards the Samuel’s State, which was largely shaped by the Byzantine ideology and momentary aim of the political propaganda. The analysis of the Byzantine sources shows that by the end of the 10th century Basil II became known as “Scythicus”, because of his military achievements against Samuel’s State. The same context derives from Basil II’s verse Epitaph which contains ideological message about the accomplished mission given to Basil II by Christ himself in defeating the “Scythians”. Hence, Basil II was known and wanted to be remembered, among other, as the victor over the Scythians, thus designating the enemies coming from the Samuel’s State. Following this notion, in his narrative Michael Psellos portrayed Basil II as the vanquisher of the Scythians. Psellos even provided ideological context of the subjugation of the Samuel’s State, remarking that by this Basil II actually converted these people and turned them towards God.</p> Mitko B. Panov Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 Hare in Sauce According to Anthimus’ Recipe: Meat <p>The present article examines the beginning of the recipe for hare meat (<em>leporis vero si novellae</em> […]) preserved in Chapter 13 of the dietetic treatise <em>De observatione ciborum</em> written in the first half of the 6<sup>th</sup> cent. by the Byzantine physician Anthimus.</p> <p>In the initial part of the study, the author briefly discusses key events in the doctor’s life, explaining the circumstances which brought him to the royal court of the Frankish ruler, Theuderic. Next, the author analyses Anthimus’ competence in the field of dietetics and proves that he composed his treatise in line with ancient and Byzantine <em>materia medica</em>.</p> <p>The key part of the article scrutinises the most popular methods of preparing hare meat according to ancient gastronomical literature (<em>Ἡδυπάθεια</em> by Archestratus of Gela, <em>De re coquinaria</em>) and compares them with Anthimus’ recommendations. This allows the author to reconstruct the culinary techniques that Anthimus most probably proposed be applied in the preparation of hare meat.</p> <p>The author concludes that Anthimus’ treatise is a clear example of the practical application of both dietetics and <em>materia medica</em> in culinary practices performed in the physician’s lifetime.</p> Zofia Rzeźnicka Copyright (c) 2022 Wed, 12 Oct 2022 00:00:00 +0200 The Chieftains of the Eastern Roman Empire in Light of the Chronicle of Marcellinus Comes <p>It is clear that while Chronicle of Marcellinus Comes belongs to most important works from the 6<sup>th</sup> century, there is significant problem with indicating his personal attitude towards the discussed characters and the described events. The following text is an attempt to answer the question why some of the warlords and generals mentioned in Marcellin’s chronicle were shown positively and others not. It seems that the key to the chronicler’s assessment of a given person was his origin, attitude to imperial authority and actual influence on the most important events of the era in which he lived.</p> Szymon Wierzbiński Copyright (c) 2022 Mon, 21 Nov 2022 00:00:00 +0100