Aims and Scope FACES of WAR is a journal dedicated to armed conflicts from ancient times to the present day. It is an extension of the Oblicza Wojny series, published since 2020 by the Lodz University Press. The new periodical, FACES of WAR, is a peer-reviewed biannual journal published in English, fully available online and free of charge. This allows authors to regularly share the results of their research. A distinctive feature of FACES of WAR is its interdisciplinary approach to the issues discussed in the journal. Therefore, we accept papers from the humanities as well as from disciplines such as international relations, law, security studies, architecture, and urban planning. FACES of WAR is a journal that publishes original studies and presents diverse perspectives that inspire reflection and discussion. The biannual journal is published by the University of Lodz Press and is affiliated with the Faculty of Philosophy and History at the University of Lodz The Editorial Board accepts submissions in English.
Hungarian Mercenaries in Italy in the 14th Century: An Analysis of a Mercenary Contract of 1361
Hungarian mercenaries began to operate in Italy in the 1340s. The reason for their appearance in the Kingdom of Naples was the planned dynastic link between the Neopolitan and the Hungarian branches of the Angevin family. Hungarian warriors arrived in Italy in greater numbers during the campaigns of King Louis I, who intended to occupy the Neopolitan kingdom for himself after the assassination of his younger brother, Andrew, by accomplices of his wife, Joan of Naples. After the failure of these campaigns, a considerable number of Hungarian warriors stayed in Italy and undertook mercenary service there. This study seeks to analyse a mercenary contract surviving from 1361, which was concluded by the king and queen of Naples and the mercenary company called Magna Societas Ungarorum. The text provides us with an excellent insight into the conditions under which these warriors fought and the expectations on behalf of the contracting parties. It also allows us to conclude to what extent the points of the agreement could be put into practice.
Copyright (c) 2025 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Bored Cossack: The Way of a Ukrainian Warrior
The article examines Ukrainian folk paintings of Cossack Mamai as the most complete visual archetype of the Cossack, a professional warrior of the Early Modern period. It argues that Mamai’s static posture and melancholic expression should not be interpreted solely as reflection or sadness, but primarily as a state of boredom, understood in the philosophical sense developed by Martin Heidegger. This boredom emerges from the Cossack’s relationship with time, the steppe landscape, and a psychotype shaped by warfare, isolation, and environmental monotony. An iconographic analysis of key elements (the tree, horse, weapons, bandura, and utensils) shows Mamai as a wealthy, mobile warrior immobilised by enforced rest. The figure is interpreted as one of existential suspension: bored, waiting, aware of purpose yet unable to realise it. In this reading, Mamai becomes a symbol of Ukrainian mentality and of a long-term historical search for identity and meaning.
The Concept of Occidentalism by Dmytro Dontsov as a Methodological Basis for Analysing the Contemporary Russia-Ukraine War
The concept of Occidentalism developed by Dmytro Dontsov serves as a significant analytical tool for understanding the Russia-Ukraine war (2014–2025), viewed as a confrontation between two fundamentally different civilisational models. His methodology incorporates four key components that establish a unified foundation for analysing this conflict, not only as a geopolitical struggle but also as a deeply rooted historical and cultural dichotomy. This article presents a comprehensive analysis of Dontsov’s works on Occidentalism, covering cultural-historical aspects, a critical deconstruction of Russian narratives, a dialectical interpretation of existential confrontation, and an examination of global processes. This approach not only reveals deep civilisational contradictions but also provides an opportunity to assess the prospects for forming a stable international order in the region. Dontsov viewed Ukraine’s historical mission as a crucial factor in European security. His concept holds dual significance: first, it reaffirms Ukraine’s historical role as a buffer between different civilisational models, and second, it stimulates integration processes, fostering new alliances and partnerships in response to external threats. The article highlights that the prolonged Occidental confrontation with Russia remains a struggle for sovereignty and national identity. Modern international coalitions opposing Russian aggression, when analysed through the prism of Dontsov’s Occidentalism, demonstrate both historical experience and the potential for establishing new alliances that ensure Ukraine’s security and independence. Dontsov’s Occidentalist concept continues to be relevant to understanding modern geopolitics.
Those Who Must Not Be Remembered: The Romanian Germanophiles and Their Historiographical Posterity
In the aftermath of the Great War, following the victory of the Entente and the fulfilment of the national ideal, the former internal enemy — represented by all those who had sided with the Central Powers — was gradually erased from the Romanian public space and social memory, after initially serving as the scapegoat for almost all the misfortunes and shortcomings of those difficult years. Blamed and demonised for their opinions expressed before and after Romania’s entry into the war, the intellectuals, politicians, journalists, and business owners generally known as ‘Germanophiles’ had to suffer the consequences for having chosen the wrong side in the war. Seen and despised as traitors to national interests, these Germanophiles were condemned by both public opinion and in historical writing. This text seeks to offer an overview of how Romanian historiography is understood to have dealt with this delicate issue, which emerged in the years of the Great War and had long-lasting effects.
The Influence of France on the Economic Development of the Second Polish Republic in the First Years after Regaining Independence: An Outline of the Problem
This text aims to highlight the issue of building Polish-French economic relations in the first years after Poland regained independence. For the Polish state at that time, a key concern was securing French support in the political, military, and economic spheres. For victorious France, however, economic matters were at least as important as political issues, and perhaps even more significant in relations with Poland. This was evident when the Republic of Poland was contesting the eastern territories or asserting its rights in Silesia. Primarily, the French side — particularly entrepreneurs with influence over politicians — was interested in investing capital, which consequently translated into pressure during negotiations with the Polish government. Poland did not acquiesce to all demands; nevertheless, it was keen to finalise economic agreements and conclude a trade treaty, the signing of which was made conditional upon the implementation of the political accord and the secret military convention of 1921. Another important aspect of economic relations was the exchange of goods and the principles governing such exchanges. Commercial transactions were based chiefly on preferential customs concessions granted to the French side. The negotiations culminated in the signing of the trade treaty in 1922, which stipulated numerous benefits and privileges for the French state.
Use of Panzerfaust-Type Grenade Launchers by German and Soviet Soldiers during the Fighting for Pomerania in 1945
The mass use of anti-tank grenade launchers known as Panzerfausts (armoured fists) by the German Wehrmacht in the final phase of the Second World War in Europe made them an immediately formidable weapon. Faced with dramatic shortages of fuel needed for the mobility of armoured forces, as well as tungsten as a component for the production of steel plates and ammunition, new ideas were sought for fighting tanks. Thus, the combat-proven effectiveness of shaped-charge projectiles fired from a hand-held tubular launcher was exploited, together with the ease of their production and their low unit cost compared with tanks and other armoured vehicles, which they immobilised and sometimes outright destroyed. Mass training in the handling of this weapon was undertaken, and even improvised tank-destroyer units armed only with grenade launchers and equipped with bicycles were created. The successes achieved by the Germans in defensive fighting, thanks to the use of Panzerfausts, also galvanised the opponent. In the spring of 1945, the Red Army issued an order to recover captured weapons of this type and to provide instruction on their operation. Their employment in combat, however, looked different because Soviet troops readily used grenade launchers during assaults on fortified strongpoints, especially masonry structures. A specific adaptation of the Panzerfaust to fighting in urban areas was the construction of makeshift devices for firing salvos. At the same time, Soviet engineers attempted to develop their own grenade launchers with characteristics similar to the German ones, but they achieved satisfactory results only after the war.
Building Civil Society in Wartime: Opportunities and Challenges on the Example of the Military Crisis in Ukraine in 2014‒2023
The article examines the development of diverse forms of activism within Ukrainian society and how citizens have been mobilised in response to oppressive authorities and war. Although the war has triggered a profound humanitarian and political crisis, it has simultaneously fostered an unprecedented strengthening of resilience within civil society. The first two decades following the declaration of Independence cannot be regarded as pivotal for civil society-building; however, the situation changed markedly after the events of the Euromaidan and the Revolution of Dignity. The scale of the Revolution of Dignity, together with the subsequent military actions and the sense of agency gained by citizens who catalysed far-reaching political and social change, exerted a considerable influence on those involved. As a result, some participants formed organisations that continue to operate to this day. Nevertheless, significant challenges persist in the functioning of Ukrainian civil society. These include the absence of long-term solutions to the ongoing humanitarian crisis, the discontinuity of reform processes, and the inability of the third sector to transform deeply entrenched corruption within state institutions. At present, many Ukrainian NGOs are undertaking functions that should properly fall within the remit of the state. This article therefore seeks to explore both the opportunities and the challenges facing civil society in Ukraine amid the ongoing war with Russia.
‘Our Folk Who Have (Not) Become Foreign...’: Political Loyalties in the Donbas During the War of 2014‒2024 (In Light of Oral History Sources)
The military conflict that started in the Donbas in 2014, which, in 2022, turned into a full-scale Russo-Ukrainian war, has created a specific way in which it is remembered. This article is based on more than sixty interviews with residents of the Donbas and other regions of Ukraine who fled the country in the period between 2014 and 2024. It addresses the distinctive way in which the events of 2014–2024 affected the formation and evolution of political loyalties; characterises the key factors that have influenced the circumstances of the refugees; analyses the specifics of adaptation in a new place and the practicalities of interaction with the environment; and identifies key socio-political challenges that the region may face after the war. The gathered recollections paint a complex picture of the political positioning of the Donbas populace in the context of the 2014–2024 war. Worldview attitudes formed over the years, propaganda influences from opposing sides, as well as the direct military experience of the region’s residents were crucial to the formation of different models of political loyalties. It is noteworthy that the decision to flee or to stay in the Donbas was determined by several factors, such as the physical security situation, family circumstances, opportunities for adaptation in a new place, the ability to find new accommodation and a job, fear of discrimination, political and ideological preferences, etc. Situations in which some refugees were forced to return home, to the combat zone, demonstrate a set of problems related to the lack of a consistent state policy towards this category of the population. It is emphasised that a fully representative depiction of the formation and evolution of the system of political loyalties requires that, in the future, the experiences of people who have left for Russia or Belarus and those who continue to live in the occupied territory should also be taken into account.
Keeping the Memory Alive: Ukrainian Commemoration Practices in Public Spaces Amid the War with Russia in 2025
On 24 February 2022, Russia launched a full-scale invasion of Ukraine, marking a dramatic escalation of the conflict that had been simmering since 2014. Russian troops advanced into Ukrainian territory from Russia, Belarus and the occupied Ukrainian peninsula of Crimea. According to the Office of the High Commissioner for Human Rights, 14,200–14,400 people were killed between 14 April 2014 and 31 December 2021. Additionally, 12,500 civilians and 45,100 soldiers have been killed since the full-scale invasion, prompting efforts to commemorate those who perished in the war. This article discusses and shows images of different commemorative practices that take place in Ukraine during the ongoing war, including Independence Square in Kyiv, the Field of Mars and Saints Peter and Paul Garrison Church in Lviv and the Alley of Glory in Ivano-Frankivsk. The results show many forms of commemoration, such as the installation of national flags and cubic frames displaying banners with the faces of soldiers who died due to Russian aggression.
Incorporation of Andriy Melnyk’s OUN into the Kharkiv Environment (1941–1943)
Today, studying the spread of OUN activities, particularly those of the OUN(m), in Eastern Ukraine during the German-Soviet War is particularly relevant. This paper aims to highlight the work of the OUN(m) in Kharkiv during the Nazi occupation. Analysing the available sources and publications, it can be stated that during the German-Soviet war, the OUN(m) took the opportunity to spread their ideology in the Eastern Ukrainian lands, creating their cells among the local population. The primary tasks of the OUN(m), who arrived in Kharkiv with the Germans as part of a Sonderkommando or propaganda groups, were to infiltrate the local administration, police, and cultural and educational institutions; propagate nationalist ideas about creating an independent Ukrainian state; and organise local cells. To do this, they used both legal and illegal methods. Bohdan Konyk, Yakiv Kravchuk, and Petro Sahaidachnyi were particularly prominent in Kharkiv. The peak of OUN(m) activity in the city was October–December 1941. This was due to their proximity to the Germans and the ability to conduct their work legally. During the Nazi Occupation, the ideological views of the OUN(m) in Kharkiv were transformed to adapt to a more moderate Eastern Ukrainian version of nationalism. Nevertheless, their ideas became known to the wider Kharkiv community, influencing the vision of Ukraine’s future among local nationalists.
Overestimated Balance Sheet — the Astray of Research Without Archival Sources. In Response to Kazimierz Przeszowski
The polemic reviews the research of Kazimierz Przeszowski, which was intended as a balance sheet of previous estimates by Stanisław Płoski and Ewa Śliwińska, Adam Borkiewicz, Hanns von Krannhals, Maria Turlejska, Antoni Przygoński, Joanna Hanson, Maja Motyl and Stanisław Rutkowski, Piotr Gursztyn, Norbert Bączyk and Grzegorz Jasiński, as well as Hubert Kuberski. These estimates indicate that the number of victims of the Wola massacre ranged from 10,000 to 57,600 (even 65,000). This part can be considered a precise summary of previous studies. However, the subsequent section of the article is based on statistical research derived from postwar historians’ studies (lacking statistical data from 1938–1944), which does not allow for detailed research. The comparative analysis of mass executions in Rumbula near Riga, Babi Yar near Kyiv, and executions carried out during Operation ‘Ertnefest’ [sic! actually — Aktion ‘Erntefest’] in Distrikt Lublin is even more problematic, as the author proves that German forces in Wola were sufficient to exterminate even 65,000 people. Przeszowski demonstrated that the Wola district was estimated to have been inhabited by around 100,000 people in the summer of 1944, potential victims of mass executions. These finding, indicate the need for a new methodological approach and further archival research into the number of human losses in Wola in 1944, particularly concerning the analysis of documents preserved in the Bundesarchiv. This place provides an orientation to the number of German, Austrian and Eastern European exterminators during the two-day danse macabre in Northern County — commonly known as the Wola district.
mass executions of the civilian population
Response to the Polemic Regarding the Review of Research on Population Losses in the Wola District During the Warsaw Uprising of 1944
This response draws attention to the purpose of the original 2024 article, presents general remarks on the polemic text, and discusses the allegations concerning the review of research and the comparative study regarding: The number of victims of mass executions, the size of the German pacification forces, and the area and population of the Wola district. Finally, it addresses the relevance of the findings of the original article in light of the criticisms raised in the polemic.
After One Disaster Comes Another? Extraordinary Events and Their Lessons in the Croniche di Lucca
In the Croniche di Lucca, which covers the period of Lucca’s history from 1168 to 1424, we read about many natural disasters. We can read in detail about the lean years of 1181, 1284, 1330, 1348–1350, and 1400, and the plagues that followed, as well as the great windstorm of 1398. According to the descriptions, epidemics were almost always followed by wars or urban riots. The author of the historical work, Giovanni Sercambi (1348–1424), was not only a writer but also an active politician. He wrote down a significant part of the events he witnessed with the aim of teaching. He tried to formulate correlations both in the case of party fights and riots affecting the life of the city, as well as in the case of the aforementioned disasters. He stated that bad things are usually followed by more bad things. He usually attached social or moral consequences to the individual events, which are outstanding sources of the history of the mentality of that period. He stated that the moral implications of the disunity experienced in urban politics are famine and epidemics, which in turn can lead to riots and uprisings. The question is, what were the additional consequences of the extraordinary events for the inhabitants of the city at the time? In my presentation, I will examine the relevant entries of the chronicle, analyse the social and moral lessons written down by Sercambi, compare the chapters of the Lucca source with the relevant notes of other contemporary Tuscan historical works, and draw conclusions about the unique features.
Weapons and Wealth: Economic Effects of the Lucca’s War in Florentine Arms and Armour Production (1429–1433)
In traditional historiography, the wartime context is often judged to have had a uniformly negative impact on medieval economies. While this assessment holds in many respects, it has overlooked the specific sector of arms and armour production and trade, owing to a longstanding lack of focused study. This historiographical gap has thereby distorted our understanding of the period’s economic reality. The present research, grounded in the payment mandates preserved by the Dieci di Balìa, the Florentine war office, during the War of Lucca (1429–1433), seeks to fill that void by offering a concrete appraisal of the arms and armour economy. By examining every recorded expenditure on artillery and firearms with their accompanying gunpowder and bullets, on crossbows and the accessories required for their operation, on polearms, and on defensive armour, the study harnesses the richness and precision of archival evidence to reconstruct quantities purchased, total outlays, production locations and the identities of individual suppliers. Repeated spikes in spending correspond closely with the most intense phases of the campaign, demonstrating that demand for weaponry generated a marked, localised surge in economic activity. Notably, rural hamlets such as Montefioralle and La Trappola emerged as specialised centres for crossbow bolt manufacture, while a Florentine apothecary came to dominate the gunpowder supply. Contrary to the prevailing view that war uniformly depressed Florentine economic life, the conflict with Lucca functioned as a powerful stimulus for sectoral growth, furnishing blacksmiths, carpenters, barrel makers and arms dealers with exceptional earning opportunities. By mapping the supply chains behind every cannon, bolt and spear and by correlating expenditure peaks with the military chronology, this study demonstrates that late-medieval warfare could serve as a positive-sum catalyst, anticipating the organised armaments industries of later centuries and calling for a substantial revision of traditional narratives about the economic impact of war.
The Rise of Northern Unionism’s Influence on the Political Scene of Great Britain Against the Backdrop of Belfast’s Social and Economic Transformations During the Great War
This article examines the situation in Belfast during the First World War, considering its role as the political and economic centre of the north of Ireland. It explores whether the global conflict contributed to the city’s development or led to its stagnation, focusing on three key aspects: economic, social, and political. The economic analysis particularly highlights the state of the shipbuilding industry. The study of social conditions reveals the economic, religious, and cultural sources of divisions among Belfast’s residents and shipyard workers. Meanwhile, the discussion of the political aspect traces key transformations within the Irish unionist movement, mainly its faction closely linked to Ulster and Belfast. The article aims to outline the situation in north of Ireland during the Great War to explain the causes of the growing social divisions in the interwar period, which ultimately led to the establishment of an administratively separate Northern Ireland.
The Fate of the Brazilian Collection of the State Zoological Museum in Warsaw Before and During the Second World War (1939–1945)
Before the Second World War, the State Zoological Museum in Warsaw was a dynamically functioning research institution, characterised by its rapidly growing collections of contemporary animals for scientific, educational and exhibition purposes. The specimens were mainly collected during expeditions organised by the museum’s staff. One of the explorers was Tadeusz Chrostowski (1878–1923), an ornithologist and head of the Neotropical Birds Department of the Museum. The naturalist organised three expeditions to Brazil in 1910–1911, 1913–1915 and 1921–1923. He explored areas of the state of Paraná that were considered the least explored. Chrostowski’s last journey, known as the Polish Zoological Expedition, received the most attention in scientific and social circles. It was the leading overseas scientific expedition organised by the newly revived Polish state. In addition to Chrostowski, the research team included the entomologist Tadeusz Jaczewski (1899–1974) and the taxidermist Stanisław Borecki (1888–1968). The team aimed to study the fauna of southern and central Paraná, specifically in areas with araucaria humid forests inhabited by Polish colonies, subtropical forests, and along the rivers Ivaí, Paraná and Iguaçu. A collection of over 22,000 zoological specimens was one of the outcomes of the fieldwork. The material included many species of birds first found in the Paraná. The collection was taken to Warsaw in 1924 and was available to researchers in the museum until 1939. The Second World War was a tragic event in the history of the institution. Not only did it interrupt scientific and research activities, but it also contributed to the loss of part of the collection. Among the museum’s war losses were more than 2 million animal specimens, including more than 20,000 of Chrostowski’s specimens. The collections were destroyed, confiscated and exported and many were dispersed. Research into the history of Chrostowski’s collection aims to reconstruct and describe it, as well as to spread knowledge of the wartime losses suffered by the State Zoological Museum during the Second World War.
Representation of the Nazi Crimes in Donbass in Soviet Documentary and Fictional Cinema (1943–1950)
Soviet documentary and fiction cinema of World War II and the first postwar years created several images related to Donbas. This region had played a significant role in Soviet socio-political discourse since prewar times. The article focuses on the peculiarities of the representation of Nazi crimes in Donbas. The author analyses the main fiction and documentary films that feature episodes of crimes committed during the German occupation, describes their historical context, and characterises the degree of influence these scenes had on the population. It is noted that the subject of Nazi crimes in Donbas first appears in the visual images of the destruction of industrial and social infrastructure caused by the Nazis. The issue of the murder of the population of the occupied territories is explored in documentaries related to the central site of mass crimes — the 4–4 bis mine in Stalino (today Donetsk). Fiction cinema dedicated to the topic of the wartime Donbas is represented by the films The Unconquered (Nepokorennyye), It Happened in Donbas (Eto bylo v Donbasse), The Young Guard (Molodaya gvardiya), and A Great Life (Bol’shaya zhizn’). The key focus is on the issues of the struggle against Nazism and post-war reconstruction. The films show the torture and murder of members of the anti-Nazi Resistance movement, including juveniles, the executions of Soviet prisoners of war, the deportation of civilians to Germany, and, for the first time in Soviet cinema, a scene of a mass execution of the Jewish population. Despite several historical inconsistencies, as the films were usually based on literary works, these films were very popular among the population that survived the occupation. Both abstract and concrete images of victims of the Nazi regime evoked allusions to their suffering caused by the war and occupation. The images of the wartime Donbas are still an important source for the perspective of reflecting the historical processes of the past and for studying the system of influence on the outlook and value coordinates of the population in different historical epochs.
Ukrainian Classical Music in the Public Sphere Amid the Russo-Ukrainian War: 2022–2023
This article discusses the state of Ukrainian classical music during the first years of the full-scale Russian invasion, the understanding of which requires familiarity with the historical context and the rhetoric of post-colonial studies. The cultural confrontation between Ukraine and Russia reached its peak during this period, leading to a significant decline in the promotion and performance of Russian classical music both within Ukraine and internationally. Since 2022, a shift in the Ukrainian musical landscape—marked by the revitalisation of repertoire politics and an active process of derussification has been observed. This positive development is demonstrated in Ukraine’s opera houses and their ongoing repertory renewal: this includes Kateryna by Oleksandr Rodin (Odesa), Fearful Revenge by Ievhen Stankovych (Lviv), and Vyshyvanyi. The King of Ukraine by Alla Zahaikevych (Kharkiv). The Ukrainian opera Chornobyldorf by Roman Hryhoriv and Illia Razumetskyi is regarded as one of the best modern repertory operas. The staging of Genesis. Opera of Memory by the same authors in the Khanenko Museum (Kyiv, 2022) has become a new phenomenon in Ukrainian musical life. The Nova Opera group presented the Art of War opera by the young composer Serhii Vilka, based on a libretto by Myroslav Laiuk. Classical works by Ukrainian composers are also being reconceptualised: Lviv Opera presented an action version of Cossacks Beyond the Danube by Semen Hulak-Artemovskyi. Global interest in the works of Ukrainian classical music has increased; therefore, the online repository of works by local composers (the number of records on the Ukrainian Live Classic app platform rose from 500 to 1700, representing the creativity of more than 70 authors) has been developed. The renowned promoter of Ukrainian classical music is the Days of Ukrainian Music in Warsaw’ festival, which has been held since 1999 (founded by Roman Rewakowicz). The world tours of the Ukrainian Freedom Orchestra (initiated by the Metropolitan Opera and Polish National Opera) and the Kyiv Symphony Orchestra, whose programmes are based on Ukrainian music, occur within the framework of cultural diplomacy. In November 2022, during the United Kingdom–Ukraine Season of Culture, a festival of new and experimental music took place in Huddersfield with the participation of Ukrainian performers. The ‘Solidarity Project’ is an invitation from Ukrainian composers to collaborate with the Metropolitan Opera. However, there remains a lack of professional discussion regarding national classical music in the Ukrainian media landscape. Departments specialising in the post-colonial studies of Russian culture, in which Ukrainian culture has existed on the sidelines for a long time, are currently being established.
The Evolution of the Role of Mass Media in Wars – Media as a Tool, a Threat and a Side of the War
Released information can lead to the outbreak of war, such as ‘The Ems Telegram’. It can also cause changes in the actions of the ‘great and the small’ of this world, influence the perception of reality and lead to a reversal of events. The examples of the media’s involvement in the history of wars described in this article demonstrate its use by conflicting parties as an instrument of warfare. Furthermore, they also make it clear that the media can be a threat and even a war party. During war, it is necessary to control the media space, understand the role of the media, pay attention to their presence in war, their technological capabilities, and their power to influence audiences and developments. Skilful and planned use of the media for political and military purposes can influence the success of operations.
Regional Office for Aid to the Victims of War in Prague (1919–1938)
The killings and mutilations brought about by World War I left a significant mark on society: missing husbands and fathers, surviving war veterans, widows and orphans. The newly formed Czechoslovakia had to deal with this tragic legacy and care for the 600,000 men, women, and children affected by the war. To do this, it was necessary to strengthen the relevant public administration apparatus, as the existing social security was not prepared for such a burden. The new state could not fail where the Habsburg monarchy had already failed, ceasing to perform its basic social and economic functions for its population. The Czechoslovak Republic, consisting of several higher-level administrative-territorial units called ‘lands’ (země), began to create regional offices and authorities to provide care for disabled soldiers or men who had fallen ill as a result of military service, widows of deceased soldiers, widows of disabled veterans of the war and post-war years, as well as parents of deceased or disabled victims of the war and from the post-war years. This paper will describe the legislative framework of the authorities using the example of the Regional Office for Aid to the Victims of War in Prague, its functioning and organisation of personnel, as well as the types of cases handled by the authorities and their reception by society.
Copyright (c) 2024 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
An Examination of Sassanian Siege Warfare (3rd to 7th centuries CE)
This article examines Sassanian siege warfare and technology in the domains of ballistae, ‘scorpions’, catapults, and battering rams. Sassanian siege warfare necessitated the use of protection/shielding for personnel (combat troops, engineers, laborers), mounds, mining, scaling of walls, as well as the digging of ditches and trenches. Archery barrages played a seminal role in support of siege operations. The arteshtārān (lit. warriors; mainly paighan infantry, archers, and savārān cavalry) and pil-savār (elephant warriors/riders) would undertake combat operations with manual labour provided by peasant recruits. Battle elephants could also be used in siege operations (for example at Nisibis, 350 CE). The environmental element of water was utilised (for example during the sieges of Nisibis, 337 or 338 CE and 350 CE). Incendiary factors could also be weaponised in siege operations. In summary, Sassanian siege warfare capabilities appear to have achieved proficiency levels equivalent to contemporary Roman armies.
Tumultus ac trepidatio in urbe. Social Perceptions and Effects of War in Rome and Some Italic Cities in the Late 3rd Century B.C.
From the Second Punic War onwards, it is possible to identify significant episodes regarding war's effects on Rome and other Italic cities. Apart from their military defence system, the perception of a state of war, its implications and the consequent feelings experienced by citizens of these urban settlements is still an unexplored field, since modern historiography has chosen to focus on the mere war events instead of exploring these less evident, but equally important issues related to them. Nevertheless, it is useful to examine the atmosphere caused by this state of emergency, such as tumultus ac trepidationes, conplorati and metus in cities which, being fortified centres, were the safest places for seeking refuge. Accordingly, this study aims to describe these kinds of situations – physical, psychological and mental health conditions endured by inhabitants of urbes and oppida during wartime. Ancient written sources, particularly the third decade of Livy’s Ab Urbe Condita, and also Polybius will provide valuable historical information about these matters and the broader institutional, social and anthropological context of the Roman Republic at the end of the 3rd century B.C.E.
Military Service of Knights, Vogts and Village Mayors in the Kingdom of Poland under the Reign of Władysław II Jagiełło: Legal Regulations
The reign of Władysław Jagiełło in Poland was highly significant. He not only established a new dynasty but also succeeded diplomatically and militarily in foreign policy. His forty-year reign was also a time of granting privileges, which was necessary to win the support of the nobility and to execute the king’s will. This led to changes in military obligations, allowing the nobility to gain prerogatives, including the right to war prisoners. The king also repeated and extended existing privileges, such as the right to be paid for military campaigns on foreign territory and the right to compensation for the losses of equipment and horses. These changes were significant both militarily and politically and reinforced the nobility’s power within the kingdom. Changes in military services of the feudal system in Poland, which occurred during the reign of Władysław II Jagiełło, were essential in understanding the future military evolution of the Polish army.
Grand Tour Correspondence in the Time of War: The Early Stages of the War of the Spanish Succession in the Letters of Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock and His Tutor Paul Rapin-Thoyras (1701–1702)
Letters sent during a Grand Tour, an early modern educational journey, are often considered important sources for the history of tourism and travel, history of diplomacy or family relations. However, the example of the correspondence of the Anglo-Dutch nobleman Henry Bentinck, Viscount Woodstock and his Huguenot tutor, Paul Rapin-Thoyras with Woodstock’s father, Hans Willem Bentinck, the 1st Earl of Portland, demonstrates that these letters can also contain important information on various military aspects and provide another view on known events such as during the War of the Spanish Succession. In this article, several examples of such cases are examined, together with the alternative, fuller story of the capture of the French Marechal De Villeroy by the Imperial forces. Portland, whose letters are not preserved, was a close friend of King William III of England and was a key figure in Anglo-Dutch politics at the time, thus being in the midst of the events. The analysis is conducted based on Grand Tour letters written in French and sent from various locations both by the pupil and his tutor.
A Comprehensive Examination of the 1852 Persian Military Manual: ‘General Regulations for the Exercises and Marches of the Infantry of the Esteemed Government of Iran’
This article deals with the study and analysis of an important Persian military manual, entitled ‘General Regulations for the Exercises and Marches of the Infantry of the Esteemed Government of Iran’ ( قواعد کلیه از برای مشق و حرکات پیاده نظام دولت علیه ایران ). The manual, a historical artefact of considerable importance, is dated Ramadan 1268 Hijra, corresponding to June 1852 CE, a period marked by the reign of Nāssereldin Shāh Qajar. The manual is a testament to the modernisation efforts initiated by Crown Prince Abbās Mirzā during the early Qajar era. It provides a unique insight into the military strategies and training methods of the time, reflecting the transformative changes within the Iranian military. Comprising 51 pages and adorned with 35 illustrations, the manual provides a comprehensive guide to training exercises for armed and unarmed infantry troops. It provides insight into the rigorous training regimes and tactical manoeuvres of the Persian infantry in the mid-19th century. Thus, the manual is not merely a military guide but a historical document that provides information on the evolution of Persian military tactics in response to the modernisation efforts of the time.
Community Resilience Dimensions of Agency and Human Values in the Response of Polish Border Communities to the Refugee Crisis Caused by the Russian Invasion of Ukraine in 2022
This research aims to explore the role of community resilience in response to the refugee crisis caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 by specifically studying two core dimensions of community resilience, namely agency and human values, to see if they helped to build and enhance community resilience to crisis and uncertainty. In this respect, two cases of responses to the refugee crisis made by two Polish border communities in two corners of Poland, one in the northeast, in Suwałki, in the borderland area often referred to as Suwałki Gap, and the second one in the southeast, in Biecz, known as ‘Little Kraków,’ have been analysed by conducting qualitative interviews with research participants in three interview groups of volunteers, community members, and municipality who privately or professionally provided help for Ukrainian refugees arriving to Poland. Qualitative results of the analysis reveal that deep awareness of members of both Polish border communities about who the aggressor is and who the defender is in the conflict between Russia and Ukraine was the main motivation to activate distinct values of, among others, compassion or mutuality that influenced the response to the arrival of Ukrainian citizens fleeing their invaded homeland and seeking safety and security in Poland – which was mainly a demonstration of sympathy and solidarity with Ukrainian refugees. The findings also reveal that one of the core community resilience dimensions – agency – was exercised collectively and individually, both bottom-up and top-down. Although the decisions were mostly spontaneously dictated by the needs of the heart, the decisions to act were made purposefully. In light of the current refugee crisis, of which the Italian island of Lampedusa is the centre, and with which EU countries have been attempting to cope, it is crucial to continue further research about the cases of responses to such crises, specifically the reactions of the most affected responders. The results of the empirical research on the analysed cases of responses to the refugee crisis and uncertainty caused by the Russian invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022 made by Polish border communities may contribute to the existing research and discourse on the role and impact of citizens’ and communities’ resilience potential in disaster response and preparedness.
Ukraine’s Air Defence in the Russian-Ukrainian War (2022–2024): Progress in Regression
Russia’s full-scale aggression against Ukraine, which began on February 24, 2022, posed serious challenges to the Ukrainian air defence system. Its traditional instruments – long- and medium-range anti-aircraft missile systems (S-300, Buk-M1) and fighter aircraft (MiG-29, Su-27) – did not always prove effective in the new conditions. It was necessary to repel mass attacks from cruise missiles which were characterised by having a small deflection area and the ability to fly at lowaltitude targets. In September 2022, the Russians started to use numerous attack drones called Shaheds, which meant that the Ukrainian air defence had to adapt quickly to the new threat. In order to combat these missiles, mobile fire groups with machine guns and MANPADS on pickup trucks began to be used, which quickly advanced towards the enemy attack. The equipment used by these mobile fire groups was gradually improved. One example was from the Czech Republic, where Viktor sets were created. These consisted of twin-barrelled machine guns from the 1940s combined with thermal imaging cameras and mounted on pick-up trucks. German FlakPz Gepard self-propelled anti-aircraft guns transferred by partner countries also proved very effective. In NATO countries, this equipment was considered obsolete in the 1990s, but between 2022–2024 in Ukraine, it effectively destroyed UAVs and cruise missiles. Light training and sports aircraft, provisionally armed with machine guns and using tactics from World War I, have been successfully used to fight unmanned aerial vehicles. These examples show that even in regression, as highlighted by a return to air defence measures from previous decades, progress can be made to adapt to new threats from the air. This article aims to present the unconventional air defence measures used by the Armed Forces of Ukraine to eliminate the threat posed by Russian aerial attack assets.
Conveying the Tragedy of War Through Unconventional Photography Methods
This article analyses the specificity of conveying the tragedy of war through artistic photography. Comparing photos from the Vietnam War and the contemporary Russian-Ukrainian war illustrates how the range of figurative means has expanded. Photography of the Vietnam War had a narrow range of topics and limited methods of conveying content. In contrast, Ukrainian frontline photography is more diverse, with unconventional techniques emerging in military artistic photography. Many romantic photographs depicting landscapes and animals have surfaced, and the role of symbolism in photographic images has increased. This article aims to highlight the differences between past and present frontline photography while emphasising the greater symbolism and hidden meaning present in contemporary photography, as the tragedy of war resonates with the viewer through indirect allusions.
Where Could Prince Izyaslav Volodymyrovych Escape from Terebovlia in September 1210/1211?
This paper is an attempt to identify one of the witnesses of executing in 1212 a diploma by the Prince of Kalisz Władysław Odonic for the Prussian bishop Christian with the subsequent granting of the village of Ceków to the bishop. The diploma mentions a certain Isizlaus among alii nobiles. As we cautiously suggest, that was the son of the former Galician Prince Volodymyr Igorevych – Izyaslav, the Prince of Terebovlia, in the years 1209/1210–1210/1211. After a victorious campaign in August – September 1210/1211 against the Igorids brothers, settled in the Halych land, the Hungarian troops led by Palatine Poth, reinforced by the Kraków, Sandomierz, and Volhynian troops, captured Svyatoslav and Roman Igorids and sold them to the Galician boyars, after which the brothers were hanged together with their families. Unlike the Igorids, Prince Volodymyr and his son Izyaslav managed to escape. While sources do not report anything about Izyaslav for the next few decades, the appearance of the person named Isizlaus at the court of Władysław Odonic in 1212 may not be coincidental. We assume that this may have been Prince Izyaslav Volodymyrovych, since Prince Władysław was his uncle ‘on the distaff side’ according to the genealogical relations with the Galician Rostislavovids.
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The Mongol Invasion of Hungary in 1241–1242. New Perspective
The Mongols invaded Hungary in the spring of 1241 and occupied it until the middle of 1242. Recent research has unearthed new data in connection with Hungarian resistance against the Mongols and on the basis of these new observations of historians and archaeologists we can conclude that local resistance was substantially stronger than had been concluded earlier. The Mongols faced serious difficulty in expanding their occupation in Hungary. New light has also been shed on the history of the battle of Muhi, which was the decisive turning point in the Mongolian campaign. Hungarian troops, especially warriors of the military orders (Knights Templar and Knights Hospitaller) caused serious damage to the Mongols, who later regarded this battle as the most difficult one that had been fought against European foes. Western and eastern parts of the country alike put up serious resistance during the months following the battle of Muhi. The Mongols were reluctant to cross the Danube River because formidable Hungarian forces were gathering in Transdanubia (the western part of the country), and when they finally did cross the river in January 1242, they laid waste only to the vicinity of the main roads in those parts of the country. Although the extent of devastation was staggering, the country was able to recover from it in a few years, and would have been ready to face a second Mongol invasion if it had materialised.