Eastern Review is an international, interdisciplinary peer-reviewed journal edited by the ICEER in cooperation with the Committee for the Study of Integration of Europe of the Polish Academy of Sciences in Lodz. It is a direct continuation of the journal by the same name published between 1997 and 2001 by Centre for Eastern Studies at the University of Lodz. The journal is devoted to publishing cutting-edge research on the regions of Central and Eastern Europe, as well as post-Soviet area, viewed from political, social and cultural perspectives. The editors invite the submission of articles in the traditional fields of social sciences and humanities, such as political science, international relations, psychology, economics, sociology, cultural anthropology.
A Scoping Review of Mental Health and Psychological Impact of the Russo-Ukrainian War (2014– until present)
The Russo-Ukrainian war has caused significant psychological distress among both civilians and military personnel, with long-lasting mental health consequences that span generations. This scoping review consolidates the existing evidence on the mental health impacts of the war, focusing on conditions such as post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), complex PTSD (CPTSD), depression, anxiety, and moral injury. By synthesising data from multiple studies – including peer-reviewed journals, reports from international organisations, and national surveys – the review highlights the elevated prevalence of mental health disorders among affected populations, including refugees, displaced persons, children, and other groups. It also identifies systemic barriers to mental health care, including the fragmentation of mental health services, limited access to care, and the lack of culturally-adapted interventions. Additionally, the review emphasises the critical role of family support and community resilience in mitigating psychological distress and fostering recovery. The findings underscore the urgent need for comprehensive, evidence-based interventions tailored to the unique needs of different populations as well as systemic reforms to improve mental health infrastructure in conflict zones. Finally, the review provides actionable insights for policymakers, mental health professionals, and humanitarian organisations so that they can develop effective strategies for addressing the immediate and long-term psychological needs of those affected by the Russo-Ukrainian war.
Copyright (c) 2026 Nino Tabeshadze https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Stance of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization on the War in Ukraine
The Shanghai Cooperation Organisation (SCO), established in 2001, plays a key role in shaping the political, economic and strategic order in Central and Eastern Asia. However, the outbreak of the war in Ukraine in 2022 exposed the organisation’s limitations arising from internal conflicts of interest among its members and its structural reliance on decision-making by consensus. This article examines the impact of the war in Ukraine on the SCO’s functioning – highlighting its institutional weaknesses, lack of a unified position and the growing power asymmetry between Russia and China. Special attention is paid to the responses of member states such as Kazakhstan, Uzbekistan, India and Pakistan, and their attempts to balance cooperation with Russia against diversifying their international relations. The war in Ukraine has acted as a catalyst for shifts in the balance of power within the SCO, which may ultimately determine the organisation’s future as a platform for regional cooperation.
diversification of international relations
Copyright (c) 2026 Sergiusz Wojciechowski https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Poland-Romania-Türkiye Trilogue – a Key Partnership, or a Didascalia of the Three Seas Initiative?
The main areas of cooperation within the Poland-Romania-Türkiye Trilogue are security in the Black Sea region and Central and Eastern Europe, as well as issues of infrastructure and energy connections. The main objective of this article is to analyze the above mentioned format of trilateral cooperation, to identify areas of interaction, potential opportunities and directions for further development. At the same time, limitations arising from contradictory interests that prevent this format from developing its full potential are indicated.
Copyright (c) 2026 Krystian Maras https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Shape of a Strategic Partnership. The United Statesʼ Approach to the Three Seas Initiative
The article presents the role of the United States as a strategic partner of the Three Seas Initiative. The Americans have been involved in cooperation in this format almost from its inception. The partnership between the United States and the Three Seas Initiative spans the terms of two U.S. presidents from different political parties. The article addresses questions about the form Washingtonʼs stance toward the Three Seas Initiative took during Donald Trumpʼs first presidency and the subsequent term of Joe Biden, as well as whether there were differences between their administrationsʼ approaches. It also aims to determine whether, and to what extent, the form of partnership between the United States and the Three Seas Initiative has been shaped by ongoing global geopolitical trends. The study is based on the method of analyzing documents, source texts and public statements of political decision-makers.
Copyright (c) 2026 Igor Miśta https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Game Theory and Institutional Economics in Action: A Comparative Study with Focus on Ukraine
This article explores the role of institutional dynamics in transition economies, with a particular focus on Ukraine’s economic transformation. As Ukraine shifts from a centrally-planned to a market-based economy, it faces significant challenges stemming from entrenched oligarchic control, corruption, and dysfunctional institutional frameworks. The study aims to investigate how institutional interactions, transaction costs, and historical legacies shape Ukraine’s economic stability and governance structures. By integrating institutional economics, game theory, and econophysics, the article examines the underlying forces that influence Ukraine’s economic landscape. It also compares Ukraine’s experience with those of Poland, Russia, and the United Kingdom to provide insights into the potential for reform. The research employs an interdisciplinary methodology, utilising institutional economics and transaction cost theory, game theory, and econophysics to model the interactions of economic actors within a volatile environment. The methodological toolkit includes stock portfolio optimisation to study stock market mechanisms; Axelrod tournaments to explore the interactions of political and market institutions; and the examination of basic and vibrational forces to illustrate the evolving nature of transaction costs at the enterprise level. Conversely, the paper emphasises the critical role of robust institutional mechanisms – including business operations, local self-governance, judicial systems, law enforcement, and electoral processes – alongside well-functioning market economy frameworks that place a human at the centre of the institutional pyramid, in fostering economic stability and growth. The findings offer valuable insights into the complexities of Ukraine’s transition, providing practical guidance for policymakers and contributing to the broader academic discourse on institutional dynamics in transition economies.
Copyright (c) 2025 Ihor Hurnyak, Oleksandra Werbowa https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Vietnamese Nationalism: Old Slogans, New Demands
Vietnamese nationalism emerged from the struggle for national liberation. This is closely linked to the mythologisation of its leader, Ho Chi Minh, who became a key figure in Vietnamese nationalism, symbolising the country’s national unity and independence. The maturation of Asian nationalisms during the colonial period and the unification around strong leadership are common traits in many Asian states. However, a distinctive feature of Vietnamese nationalism is its anti-Chinese sentiment. Despite Vietnam’s historical adaptation of Chinese models beneficial for its development and survival, it has always emphasised independence in the process of absorption. This stance can be described as adaptive autonomy combined with a significant degree of pragmatism. Pragmatism and the ability to capitalise on historical moments have both facilitated the achievement of national goals and continue to legitimise the ruling authorities. This article also explores modern nationalism, shaped by social media, which fosters new and often radical attitudes among the Vietnamese. This forces the authorities to manage anti-Chinese sentiment so as to prevent it from spiralling out of control. Furthermore, in the context of increasing regional rivalry in Asia, Vietnamese nationalism is being utilised in foreign policy to strengthen the country’s position in relations with China, particularly regarding disputed areas in the South China Sea.
Copyright (c) 2026 Małgorzata Pietrasiak https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Serbia at an Integration Crossroads – Challenges on the Path to the EU, Stalemate, and Political Narratives
Throughout the second decade of the 21st century, the Republic of Serbia was the Balkan candidate country that progressed most rapidly through the European Union accession process and seemed to be the frontrunner to join the community in the next enlargement. The departure from the democratisation of the system was accepted by the European Union for a long time in favour of a policy of stabilisation in the Balkan region, which aroused loud but unheard opposition in Brussels from Aleksandar Vučić’s critics. As a result, the European Union’s policy of waiting, hoping and encouraging ended with a clear statement of deadlock in the integration process in 2025, with no significant progress made in the following year. In this article, the author attempts to analyse the conditions of stagnation in which the Republic of Serbia finds itself in its integration process by comparing the attitude of the authorities in domestic and foreign policy with the reactions of Serbian and EU public opinion, as well as the integration prospects facing this key Balkan country.
Copyright (c) 2026 Mirella Korzeniewska-Wiszniewska https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
New Monroe Doctrine? Argentine-China relations in the Context of the Presidency of Javier Milei
This article examines China’s influence on Argentina in the context of its sudden withdrawal from the BRICS initiative with the rise of Javier Milea as president. Looking at the multifaceted relationship between the People’s Republic of China and Argentina, it examines both historical and contemporary aspects of economic and political cooperation. Particular attention is paid to the role of the Chinese investment in shaping Argentina’s infrastructure, trade, and key sectors. The article explores the reasons for Argentina’s withdrawal from the BRICS initiative, examining the impact of internal and external political, economic, and geostrategic factors. In the context of Javier Milea’s presidency, it discusses potential directions and challenges for future cooperation between Argentina and the People’s Republic of China. It also addresses the impact of this cooperation on the Argentine Republic’s international politics and the position of both countries on the global stage. The article seeks to understand how political changes in Argentina may affect its relations with China and what this means for the regional balance of power in Latin America. In this context, the role of the United States is presented and a reflection is offered on whether there was a return to the implementation of the Monroe Doctrine.
Copyright (c) 2024 Mateusz Zych https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Gazprom’s Energy Game Under the Conditions of Sanctions
During the Putin era, the Russian Federation has conducted its energy policy with remarkable effectiveness in relation to both Europe and the post-Soviet region. The primary tool for implementing this policy was the state-owned corporation Gazprom, responsible for the transmission of natural gas in both directions. In the European market, Gazprom’s position gradually strengthened with the construction of new export pipelines – Nord Stream 1 and Nord Stream 2. By the end of the second decade of the 21st century, it appeared that the Russian gas giant was and would remain an undisputed player in the EU gas market, significantly influencing the energy situation in Europe. The energy crisis triggered by Gazprom in the winter of 2021/2022 – along with anti-Russian sanctions following the outbreak of large-scale war with Ukraine in February 2022 – shortly led to significant changes in energy markets. The new geopolitical conditions forced EU countries to gradually phase out Russian natural gas, while Gazprom was compelled to seek new export routes for its energy resources. This article provides an analysis of Gazprom’s energy policy, with particular emphasis on the period following the outbreak of the large-scale Russian-Ukrainian war in 2022.
Copyright (c) 2024 Katarzyna Kosowska https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Hate Speech in the Media Discourse of Belarus After the 2020 Presidential Election
The subject of this paper is an analysis of the use of hate speech in the media discourse of Belarus in the context of social polarisation against the backdrop of a political crisis after the presidential election in 2020. The authors consider the concept of hate speech, referring to various approaches to its interpretation. The widespread use of hate speech reflects deep internal contradictions within the Belarusian society and a split based on different values. The study analysed the contents of some Belarusian Internet media, TV channels, and social media, which utilised techniques such as the denigration, dehumanisation, or marginalisation of certain groups or individuals. Researchers pay special attention to the different directions in which hate speech is used, distinguishing between domestic and foreign political contexts. In the domestic political context, hate speech in Belarus has heightened social instability and polarised the society. In contrast, in the foreign political context, hate speech has worked to construct the image of an external enemy, serving as a tool aimed at consolidating the Belarusian society and mobilising it against external threats. The political crisis specifically served as a catalyst for social tension within the society, leading to the active use of hate speech. Aimed at inciting hatred and intolerance, such materials pose a potential threat to public safety and social stability in the Belarusian society.
Copyright (c) 2024 Taras Polovyi, Khrystyna Yuskiv https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Twilight of Consensus? The Energy and Climate Policy in the Election Manifestos of Major British Political Parties Before the 2024 General Election
The UK’s transformation into a low-carbon economy has reached the halfway point. However, the next stage of the decarbonisation process will require socially unpopular actions to be taken more often than before. Against this background, British political parties published election manifestos before the general election in 2024. The analysis of these documents allows us not only to understand the parties’ priorities in the energy and climate policy, but also to observe the evolution of the approach to this topic in the UK. Through the analysis of election manifestos, the article aims to examine the state of consensus of major British political parties on the green transformation that has existed for almost two decades. The research results shed light on the importance of public participation in designing political programmes in the area of energy and climate, which is also significant in the context of challenges related to Polish and European energy and climate transformation.
Copyright (c) 2024 Arkadiusz Cygan https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The LGBTQ+ Minority in European Men’s Football: An Overview
The European football environment is a heterogeneous, loosely-knit community marked by numerous differences stemming from cultural, historical, and legal backgrounds. This article is inspired by personal observations and the evident need to investigate the formation of LGBTQ+ communities within the fan and footballer environment. The paper addresses this extensive topic and aims to initiate a discussion on the circumstances under which LGBTQ+ individuals consolidate within football fans and players. The emancipation of a discriminated minority within its own environment must prove itself and, due to a number of factors, occurs and evolves in various ways. In football, the reference to LGBTQ+ and their grouping is particularly noticeable due to the insular nature of a still heavily masculinised environment, where gay, lesbian, transgender, and queer individuals are marginalised.
Copyright (c) 2024 Adam Oziemski https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The European Commission as a Strategic Partner of the Three Seas Initiative. Research Challenges
The author examines the relationship between the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) and its strategic partner – the European Commission (EC), highlighting research gaps in this area. A key issue is the lack of a definition of the EC’s strategic partnership. The author raises the question of whether the EC’s strategic partnership differs from the European Union’s strategic partnership and, if so, in what way. In declarations adopted during 3SI summits, the EC has repeatedly been referred to as a “strategic partner of 3SI”: first in the Riga summit declaration in 2022, followed by declarations from the summits in Bucharest (2023), Vilnius (2024), and Warsaw (2025). EC representatives participated in 3SI summits at various levels. Despite this, 3SI remains little known among EU institution staff, and the fact that the EC is a strategic partner of 3SI is recognised only by a narrow group of experts. On the one hand, the lack of references to 3SI on official EU websites and its low visibility within European institutions is striking. On the other hand, EC representatives have repeatedly expressed support for this cooperation format. The author emphasises the need for further research on the EC’s status as a strategic partner of 3SI, the mechanisms of cooperation between 3SI and the EC, and its outcomes.
Copyright (c) 2025 Agnieszka Orzelska-Stączek https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Romania and the Three Seas Initiative (2016–2023)
Romania is the second largest country (after Poland) in the Three Seas Initiative (3SI). It is also it’s founding member, but until 2017 it was relatively passive, despite the unanimous support of the main Romanian parties for this platform of cooperation and its compatibility with the countryʼs infrastructure needs. Romania has always considered the opinions of the major powers in the case of 3SI – Germany and the USA. Germany was reluctant to initiate, but the US support for 3SI, publicly declared by President Donald Trump at the 2017 Three Seas Initiative summit in Warsaw, reduced the significance of German reservations and marked a turning point for Romania, which was oriented towards Washington. Since then, it has become the main “engine” of 3SI, alongside Poland. It has organized two Three Seas Initiative summits (2018 and 2023) and, together with Poland, is a co-founder and second-largest shareholder in the Three Seas Initiative Investment Fund (3SIIF). The loss of interest of the Polish government in 3SI cooperation after December 13, 2023 opens up opportunities for Romania to take over as the leader of the entire initiative.
Three Seas Summits in Bucharest in 2018 and 2023
Copyright (c) 2025 Przemysław Żurawski vel Grajewski https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Three Seas Initiative and Lithuaniaʼs Security Policy Priorities: An Analysis of the Summits in Vilnius and Warsaw
The aim of this article is to examine Lithuania’s priorities within the framework of the Three Seas Initiative (3SI), with particular reference to the 2024 summit in Vilnius and the 2025 summit in Warsaw. The central hypothesis assumes that, in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine, Lithuania consistently views the Initiative as a tool for strengthening regional security and transatlantic ties. The analysis is based on field research conducted during the Vilnius summit, as well as an examination of official state documents and media sources.
Copyright (c) 2025 Barbara Jundo-Kaliszewska https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The Strategic Culture of the Russian Federation during Vladimir Putin’s Rule
Strategic culture represents a relatively new research perspective in the study of international relations. It has been noted in scholarly discourse that strategic culture represents an opportunity to understand and explicate the behaviour of states in the international environment. We view strategic culture as a system of culturally-determined values, influencing foreign policy and national security decision-making. The purpose of this article is to analyse the strategic culture of the Russian Federation and, in particular, to discuss its geopolitical dimension during Vladimir Putin’s rule, which is linked to other components, including the besieged fortress syndrome, the idea of collecting Rus lands, the myth of the Third Rome, or the concepts of Russia–Eurasia and the Rus mir. The geopolitical aspect in the Russian strategic culture is a peculiar combination of two opposing dimensions – the material and the immaterial. On the one hand, space is a strictly physical element; a constituent part of the state is a territory with defined borders. On the other hand, Russian decision-makers have given it a metaphysical character; there is a visible sacralisation of the spatial factor among the population. Vladimir Putin’s policy is determined by history and geopolitics, and the main objective of his actions is the restitution of Russia’s imperial power and the renewal of Russian influence in the world. The essential feature of the policy created by Putin is a kind of revanchism, the militarisation of the state and society, and the cult of force and war. The strategic culture of the Russian Federation is heavily influenced by the Russian geopolitical thought and historicism. Russia’s war against Ukraine after 2014 is a classic example of the influence of strategic culture on the current policy of the Russian state. In the perception of Russian political elites, Ukraine, dubbed Little Russia, appears as a fundamental component of the Russian Empire. The emergence of an independent Ukraine was seen as an existential threat to the Russian imperial identity. Thus, Vladimir Putin’s policy aimed at the complete subjugation of Ukraine or the resolution of the Ukrainian question by force. It is part of Russia’s strategic culture to deny not only Ukraine’s sovereignty and independence, but also the distinctiveness of the Ukrainian people.
Copyright (c) 2023 Walenty Baluk, Patrycja Mac https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Misperception in Foreign Policy as a By-Product of a Dogmatic Ideology: The Case of Russia’s War in Ukraine
The article examines how dogmatic ideology leads to misperceptions in foreign policy, using Russia’s actions in Ukraine as a case study. Specifically, the authors aim to show how Russia’s dogmatic ideology has led to significant misperceptions in its foreign policy towards Ukraine, resulting in aggressive actions and escalating conflicts. The central research problem addressed in this article is the impact of dogmatic ideologies on foreign policy decision-making. For the sake of the paper, we conceptualise the ideology of “Putinism”. The article explores how this ideology acts as a cognitive filter, shaping and often distorting the perceptions of political leaders. This leads to misinterpretations of other nations’ intentions and actions, as exemplified by Russia’s misperception of the events in Ukraine as a Western conspiracy rather than a grassroots movement against corruption and authoritarianism. The authors conclude that dogmatic ideologies significantly contribute to foreign policy misperceptions, leading to flawed and often aggressive decisions. In the case of Russia, these misperceptions have resulted in severe international consequences, including economic sanctions, diplomatic isolation, and a protracted conflict in Ukraine. The article highlights the necessity for policymakers to recognise and mitigate the influence of dogmatic ideologies in order to avoid such detrimental misperceptions. The research also suggests that highly dogmatic systems are more prone to strategic failures due to their rigid belief structures and resistance to new information.
Copyright (c) 2023 Bartosz Bolechów, Karol Szulc https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The History of the Legal Status of the Ukrainian Language: From Kyivan Rus’ to Contemporary Ukraine
The insecurity resulting from the Russian invasion on Ukraine signifies that the political future of the country is still being formed. Multiple aspects of the further functioning of the country are being decided now. This also concerns the Ukrainian language, which has a significant number of native speakers not to be considered even remotely endangered, yet, its future status as the main language of the state institutions is continuously under threat. If one looks at the turbulent history of Ukraine, one can observe that this is not a new issue at all. Throughout the centuries, the Ukrainian lands have been controlled by many countries. They included the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth, Austro-Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania, the Russian Empire, and the Soviet Union. All of them conducted various policies towards the Ukrainian people as well as their language. In addition, these policies were constantly being altered. This article aims to present the evolution of the Ukrainian language, in particular its legal status in entities controlling the Ukrainian territories. Save the above-mentioned unions and empires, the language status is also explained, as it existed in the proto-states attempting to form independent Ukraine in the past, such as the Kyivan Rus’, Zaporozhian Sich, the UPR, the WUPR, and the Ukrainian SSR. A particular emphasis is put on the modern history, namely the development of the language laws in the Soviet Union and in independent Ukraine. Whether Ukraine will become a de jure and de facto monolingual European democracy is up to the aftermath of the currently ongoing events.
Copyright (c) 2023 Maria Eleonora Hebisz, Jacek Stanisławski https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Iran’s Resistance Front Policy in the Strategic Calculations of the Russian Federation
One of the most important pillars of Iran’s geopolitical activities in the region and beyond is the Axis of Resistance concept. It creates opportunities to expand Tehran’s influence and power as well as counter-balance its enemies as far from its borders as possible. However, this confrontational policy in the region is not carried out in a political vacuum. It impacts not only regional actors, but also the world’s leading powers. Russia is one of them. The primary objective of this article is to analyse Russia’s approach towards Iran’s Resistance Front policy. To achieve this, the paper will touch upon several crucial elements, including the Iranian concept of the Resistance Front, the historical perspective of Russia’s approach to Iran (after the Cold War), and limitations of the Kremlin’s support to Tehran’s policy.
Copyright (c) 2023 Robert Czulda https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
Jihadi Terrorism in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan in the Context of the Activity of the Islamic State Khorasan Province
Central Asia, especially former Soviet republics, is one of the area of the activity of jihadi terrorism. In the future, it can be one of the more important factors of the destabilisation of the region. For more than two decades, this extremism has been creating serious threat for international security. It is exemplified by the Islamic State of Khorasan Province and by the act of violence that occurred in Moscow in March 2024. This article deals with the problem of violent radicalisation and radical islam in Tajikistan and Uzbekistan. It focuses on the conditions of these mechanisms in the region, referring to the convergence of subversive and terrorist movements. The paper also mentions some strategies introduced during recent years in response to the jihadi activity. The methodological analysis is based on the integration of historical and cause-and-effect method, and refers to the Marc Sageman’s theory of the jihadist network, which is more appropriate in the context understanding how they appear and operate.
Copyright (c) 2023 Stanisław Kosmynka https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0
The relationship between China and Cambodia as an example of international clientelism
Since the events of July 1997, when the Cambodian People’s Party staged a military coup and defeated the hitherto co-ruling FUNCINPEC party, relations with China have become an essential element for the new regime’s survival. Chinese support allowed the government to protect itself from human rights pressures, corruption and abuse of power, and gave it the political and economic space it needed at the time. Since then, Cambodia’s increasing and multidimensional dependence on the PRC has become apparent, raising questions about the actual nature of the relationship. This article aims to analyse bilateral relations between China and Cambodia through the lens of the theory of the patron–client arrangement in international relations. The author presents the course of cooperation between the two countries so far in the military and political fields by relating it to the theory of clientelism. He also points out the main motives behind the cooperation between the two states, arguing that the ‘security transfer’ characteristic of patron–clientelist relations takes place primarily with regard to the regime security (do­mestic policy) of the weaker partner rather than the strictly military dimension.
Copyright (c) 2023 Sebastian Tomasz Tarała https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
The metaphysics of light. An introduction to the pantheistic ecophilosophy of Henryk Skolimowski
The main thesis of this article is the assumption that Henryk Skolimowski’s metaphysics of light constitutes an original metaphysical concept and, moreover, that it could only have been written at the end of the twentieth century and only by a personality with a deeply interdisciplinary orientation. Skolimowski was undoubtedly erudite, not only in terms of the history of Western and Far Eastern philosophy, but also in the mathematical and natural sciences. He was a philosopher by training, and in his youth he also obtained a master’s degree in geodesy, which left its mark in such a way that he continued to deepen his knowledge in the mathematical and natural sciences for the rest of his life. Hence, his mindset was profoundly interdisciplinary. For a full understanding of Skolimowski’s metaphysical conception of light, it is crucial to break away from traditional metaphysical dualisms, especially those initiated by the Platonic tradition and continued by the Judeo-Christian tradition, whose apogee is the philosophy of Rene Descartes.
Copyright (c) 2023 Anna Fligel https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Neutrality of Moldova in the context of the Russian invasion of Ukraine
Russian aggression against Ukraine is redefining the existing roles and strategies adopted by states in international relations. This is particularly evident in the case of those states that lie in the orbit of interest of the Russian Federation, such as Moldova. Rus­sia’s current activity in the region raises questions about the legitimacy of the neutral status of this small state. What scenarios can be envisaged? Maintaining the status quo, abandoning neutrality in favour of deeper cooperation with the West (EU and NATO membership) or combining state neutrality with future accession to NATO or the European Union? There is no clear answer to this question and there are arguments in favour of each solution.
Copyright (c) 2023 Renata Kunert-Milcarz, Maciej Herbut https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Socio-political thought and activism of Bhimrao Ramji Ambedkar
The purpose of this article is to analyse the political achievements of Ambedkar and his role in shaping India’s political system in the late 1950s and 1960s. It examines his political philosophy based on the numerous publications he left behind and provides an overview of the reformist ideas and socio-political demands he consistently advocated throughout his life. Special attention is given to Ambedkar’s efforts on behalf of those excluded and discriminated against based on caste (jāti).
Copyright (c) 2023 Natalia Zajączkowska https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Why did Recep Tayyip Erdoğan win the 2023 elections? Presidential claims to legitimacy
The point of the article is to analyze President of Türkiye Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s narrative during election campaign in 2023 using the concept of claims to legitimacy, conducted by Christian van Soest and Julia Grauvogel and a research team led by Marcus Tannenberg. The point of this article is to identify these claims using sources from the Republic of Türkiye Directorate of Communication (Türkiye Cumhuriyeti İletişim Başkanlığı) and state-owned agency – Anadolu Agency (Anadolu Ajansi). Author analyzed period from March 10 to May 28, 2023 – from the publication of the date of the elections to their outcome.
Copyright (c) 2023 Krystian Maras https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Copyright (c) 2014 Jerzy Kmieciński https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
The role of political values in the process of modernization: Russia’s and Poland’s experience
The article deals with the problem of political values and their role in the process of modernization. The authors stress the fact that values have a great impact on the current process of political and economic modernization both in Russia and in Poland and explore the changes in the system of values of the citizens.
Copyright (c) 2013 Ирина Василенко, Малгожата Абассы https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Political participation of citizens of Ukraine in the modernization process of modernity as reflection of the relations in the system power – society
One of the major challenges facing the contemporary Ukrainian society is the institutional and motivation to ensure a high level of inclusion of citizens in the process of political modernization. The peculiarity of the Ukrainian society is that characteristic of Western societies practice of economic modernization is itself understood as favorable conditions for mass political participation, since possession of a large economic and cognitive resources for moving from survival values to self-expression values, compounded reinforced, sometimes decisive, values of the factor of political and ideological nature, which do not contribute to the consolidation of society around the strategic objectives of modernization. By citizens of Ukraine together models of political participation due to the specifics of the national political and institutional context, which combines both formal political institutions and informal caused by features of the political culture of the Ukrainian society. Features of the political system of Ukraine, its transformational nature of the basic principles of relations between the government and citizens contributed to the formation of three main models of political participation – electoral, protest, discursive. Modernization potential of political participation in the early twenty-first determined not so much by its electoral forms as possible the participation of citizens in the area of public policy, which is a reflection of the character and quality of the relationship between state and society.
Copyright (c) 2012 Наталія Ротар https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Particularities of Ukrainian citizens’ mass political consciousness: past and present
Problems of Ukrainian citizens’ mass political consciousness establishing and evolving are analyzed in the article. Political consciousness and political culture are considered not only as democracy level indicators in Ukrainian society but also as the important factors of the values of democratic life formation. The reception of historical experience of Ukrainian society functioning and consideration of the current state of Ukrainian citizens’ mass political consciousness allows to highlight the common features and the most widespread characteristics of mass consciousness, the most important among which are pragmatism, marginalization, etatism, state paternalism, ambivalence, low level of consolidation and identification.
Copyright (c) 2012 Наталія Петрук, Ольга Заславська https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/
Eastern Partnership during Polish presidency in European Union in 2011
Author analyses concept of Eastern Partnership evolution during Polish Presidency in European Union in 2011, that became Polish presidency priority. Author points main reasons that were blocking its completion. First of all, according to author, financial crisis can be blamed for such an state of affair. Member states attention was attracted mainly by ways of overcoming its effects in foreseeable future. Secondly most of the member states were not seriously involved in relations with EU’s eastern neighbors and interested in lending them any help with overcoming their problems. On the other hand some of EU’s eastern partners are keen more on cooperation with Russia then with EU. But the main obstacles that constrain completion Eastern Partnership policy were Arab Spring events taking place in North Africa and Middle East, that effectively distracted European politicians and society attention from EU eastern partners. Warsaw tried to convince its Union’s partners that Eastern Partnership policy should be priority for whole EU, and its completion would bring benefits all members states not only Poland. Poland opts for more symmetry in EU attitude towards its southern and eastern neighbors. New edition of European Neighbors Policy should be more flexible and fitted to the EU’s partners economic, political and societal need and environment. Moreover that policy should be more concentrated on ordinary citizens partner states and less tolerant toward authoritarian and faced democracy regimes. At the heart of the ENP should lie society not government. At this moment ENP is not enough attractive for countries at which it’s addressed. Still ENP require more attention and engagement from partners states if it should became an effective policy and bring any meaningful results.
Copyright (c) 2012 Stanisław Konopacki https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0/