Eastern Review https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern <p><strong><span data-contrast="auto">Cel i zakres tematyczny czasopisma</span></strong><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335559738&quot;:600,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:300}"> </span></p> <p><span data-contrast="auto">Zagadnienia podejmowane w czasopiśmie dotyczą </span><span data-contrast="auto">współczesnych tendencji i procesów</span><span data-contrast="auto"> politycznych, społeczno-kulturowych i gospodarczych</span><span data-contrast="auto"> mających miejsce w </span><span data-contrast="auto">państw</span><span data-contrast="auto">ach</span><span data-contrast="auto"> regionu Europy </span><span data-contrast="auto">Środkowej i </span><span data-contrast="auto">Wschodniej</span><span data-contrast="auto">,</span><span data-contrast="auto"> </span><span data-contrast="auto">definiowane</span><span data-contrast="auto">go</span><span data-contrast="auto"> </span><span data-contrast="auto">w kategoriach geopolitycznych i społeczno-kulturowych, nie zaś wąsko geograficzn</span><span data-contrast="auto">ych</span><span data-contrast="auto">. W związku z tym w polu badawczym periodyku znajdują się państwa </span><span data-contrast="auto">byłego Bloku Wschodniego i </span><span data-contrast="auto">obszaru poradzieckiego.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><span data-contrast="auto">W </span><span data-contrast="auto">czasopiśmie publikowane są artykuły mieszczące się w dyscyplinie nauk społecznych i humanistyki i dotyczą</span><span data-contrast="auto">ce: nauk politycznych, stosunków międzynarodowych, psychologii, ekonomii, socjologii i antropologii kulturowej.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><strong><span data-contrast="auto">Rys historyczny</span></strong><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><em><span data-contrast="auto">Eastern</span></em><em><span data-contrast="auto"> </span></em><em><span data-contrast="auto">Review</span></em><span data-contrast="auto"> jest czasopismem naukowym redagowanym przez Międzynarodowe Centrum Badań Wschodnioeuropejskich Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego we współpracy z Komisją Badań nad Integracją Europy Polskiej Akademii Nauk Oddział w Łodzi. </span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><span data-contrast="auto">Czasopismo stanowi bezpośrednią kontynuację periodyku o tej samej nazwie ukazującego się w latach 1997–2001, którego założycielem i wieloletnim redaktorem był prof. dr hab. Jerzy </span><span data-contrast="auto">Kmieciński</span><span data-contrast="auto">. Ukazujące się w latach 90. czasopismo powstawało w ramach prac Ośrodka Badań i Studiów Wschodu Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><span data-contrast="auto">Międzynarodowy charakter czasopisma, w prace nad którym zaangażowane są Białoruski Uniwersytet Państwowy w Mińsku (Białoruś), Chmielnicki Uniwersytet Państwowy (Ukraina), </span><span data-contrast="auto">Czerniowiecki Uniwersytet Państwowy im. Jurija </span><span data-contrast="auto">Fedkowycza</span><span data-contrast="auto"> (Ukraina), Moskiewski Uniwersytet Państwowy im. Michaiła Łomonosowa (Rosja), Państwowy Uniwersytet w Tule (Rosja), Uniwersytet Ekonomiczno-Administracyjny w Pradze (Czechy), Uniwersytet </span><span data-contrast="auto">Lineusza</span><span data-contrast="auto"> w </span><span data-contrast="auto">Växjö</span><span data-contrast="auto"> (Szwecja), Centrum Badań Wschodnioeuropejskich w Giessen (Niemcy), Otto-von-Guericke-</span><span data-contrast="auto">Universität</span><span data-contrast="auto"> Magdeburg (Niemcy) umożliwia czytelnikom dostęp do unikalnych i najwyższej jakości informacji, danych, opinii i komentarzy autorów z państw regionu będących przedmiotem zainteresowania periodyku.</span><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:2,&quot;335551550&quot;:6,&quot;335551620&quot;:6,&quot;335559738&quot;:300,&quot;335559739&quot;:300,&quot;335559740&quot;:375}"> </span></p> <p><span data-ccp-props="{&quot;201341983&quot;:0,&quot;335559739&quot;:160,&quot;335559740&quot;:259}"> </span></p> Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Łódzkiego pl-PL Eastern Review 1427-9657 Introduction https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9890 Alicja Stępień-Kuczyńska Michał Słowikowski Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 7 8 10.18778/1427-9657.09.01 Hegel, revolution, and the rule of law https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9891 <p>Georg Wilhelm Friedrich Hegel was one of the philosophic giants of the nineteenth century. Well versed in both ancient and more recent philosophical tracts, he rejected the individualism of Hobbes and Locke, as well as their notion that the state was an agency set up in the first place to protect life and property, and, drawing inspiration from Aristotle, outlined a vision of the state as an agency bound, in the first place, to protect the weak and the powerless. Hegel further rejected Kant’s individualistic ethics and counseled that ethical behavior had to be understood as taking place in a social context, with real duties toward other people. For Hegel, an individual had rights and duties within the context of the family, in the community, and, as a citizen, <em>vis-à-vis </em>the state. He emphasized the network of duties in which each individual finds himself, urging political moderation and concern for the good of the entire community. He has been condemned as a proto-totalitarian, lauded as a democrat of sorts, and described variously as liberal, anti-liberal, authoritarian, conservative-monarchist, and constitutionalist. This essay will argue that Hegel came to champion a constitutional-legal order (<em>Rechtsstaat</em>) under an autocratic monarch, with protection for liberal values. The absolute authority of the monarch, thus, was limited to those powers which he needed in order to advance and protect the interests of the citizens of the realm.</p> Sabrina P. Ramet Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 9 31 10.18778/1427-9657.09.02 The political party system in Slovakia in the era of Mečiarism. The experiences of the young democracies of central European countries https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/6097 <p>This article aims to reconstruct the functioning of political parties that was present during the establishment of the foundations of the democratic system and political practice, from the “Velvet Revolution” to the creation of a competitive party system with a dominant political party – Movement for Democratic Slovakia (HZDS) set up by Vladimir Mečiar; who served as prime minister in the years 1993–1998 (including a hiatus in 1994) greatly affecting the state internal and international policy, and held the post of the sole chairman of the party until its dissolution. V. Mečiar’s rule was marked by the interweaving of the elements <em>of the wave of democratization with the reverse wave of de-democratization</em>. The pro-democratic and undemocratic tendencies displayed by Mečiar were determined – apart from objective factors – by the personality traits of the prime minister: his commanding and charismatic leadership style, authoritarianism, making public decisions in a ruthless manner devoid of impartiality, or violations of democratic norms and values. Apart from its scientific purpose, this article may also fulfil a practical function allowing the possibility of using the research findings in social practice/politics.</p> Marek Barański Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 33 48 10.18778/1427-9657.09.03 Subjective grounds for expanding the powers of the President of the Russian Federation https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9893 <p>The article is devoted to a little-studied side of authority, in particular the authorities of the President of Russia. Exploring the constitutional scope of power, we can say that the President of Russia has a sufficiently large amount of power, backed up by the legal provisions of the Constitution. However, in practice, it has turned out that not only their influence but the power of the President has a wider scope. First of all, the article notes the subjective grounds and mechanisms of power over the chairman of the government and the terms of his appointment. In this case, the key role is played by the political party United Russia, which was created by the President, although the President is outside the party system of Russia. A substantial expansion of the power of the President occurred as a result of the creation of federal districts and the formation of an institution of plenipotentiaries. The rationale is given that the change of legal norms for the election of governors, where the President plays the main role in nominating candidacy, and the procedure for registering them is entirely determined by the United Russia political party under his control, ultimately expanded the scope of authority of the President. In disclosing the subjective grounds for expanding the power of the President of the Russian Federation, so-called “approvals” of candidacy for various senior positions of state and municipal service, as well as of the security and control bodies play a part. The rating of the President was a massive subjective basis that allowed him to expand the scope of his power. The study of public confidence in the President allowed one to see the dependence of the expansion of his power on the level of his support by citizens of the Russian Federation.</p> Viсtor Nitsevich Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 49 62 10.18778/1427-9657.09.04 Possibilities for cooperation between the non-governmental, non-commercial sector and the public sector in modern Russia https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9894 <p>The model of three-sector synergy in a contemporary state rests on cooperation between the first (state) sector, the second (commercial) sector, and the third sector – the civil one, also referred to as the non-commercial sector. The quest for an optimal solution and the establishment of mutual relations is underpinned by the concept of the reorganization of Russian society with regard to its political modernization; this is accompanied by a variant of social agreement that guarantees citizens equality before the law, and the protection of their rights along with simultaneous compliance with the law. What complements the image of Russia’s contemporary reality is the goal of non-governmental, non-commercial organizations – not only to survive but also to develop a <em>modus vivendi </em>in the circumstances of an authoritarian state.</p> Anna Jach Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 63 82 10.18778/1427-9657.09.05 Public contestation practices in Russia in 2000–2020 https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/8671 <p>The article analyzes the influence exerted by the limitation of legal opportunities for public contestation in the 2000s on the scope of mobilization and the repertoire of public contestation practices. The term ‘public contestation’ is used to describe forms of individual and collective political activity focused on criticizing, denying and resisting the current government project, including by introducing alternative projects. The public contestation includes constructive actions of political actors not related to causing damage or disposing of political opponents. The paper is based on political and legal analysis and on some elements of event analysis. In the 2000s, the scale of public contestation on discursive and protest platforms was smaller than over the next decade, which did not create any needs for detailed regulation of such activities. At the same time, changes in political and legal opportunities in the electoral and party field were quite intense throughout 2000–2020. The most popular forms of public contestation were public events (in 2011–2018), as well as discursive activity on the Internet and in mass media (after 2018). During the above mentioned period, we see the biggest changes in legal opportunities in this field and increasing penalties for respective violations. The electoral field shows the pendulum dynamics: decreasing and increasing opportunities in 2000–2011 and 2012–2019, respectively. A meaningful factor of narrowing legal opportunities for public contestation is the potential financial, organizational and information support of public contestation practices by foreign entities.</p> Roman Savenkov Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 83 103 10.18778/1427-9657.09.06 The cybersecurity of Georgia and threats from Russia https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9896 <p>The world is living in a state of constant psychological warfare, technological advances and development; in the 21st century Internet governance has become a puzzle for scientists and practitioners. Virtual warfare is an alternative to real warfare, one of the biggest threats to global security. In discussing the issue, we must consider the capabilities of the world’s leading countries, and first of all, identify the threat posed by Russia, which is the core of unpredictable aggression. This state is trying to influence almost the whole world with large-scale cyber-hacking attacks and continuous disinformation and fake news. Today it is difficult to find out where the theoretical war begins and where the practical military aggression ends, so new research, recommendations, scientific papers, and defence strategies are needed. Defensive mechanisms are created for cyber-attacks and this is always followed by more powerful attacks; that is why NATO enacted Article 5 of the Washington Treaty or the principle of “collective defence.” The article discusses Russia’s aggressive policy towards Georgia during and after the Russian-Georgian war in August 2008. The features of the Russian hybrid war and cyber attacks are discussed.</p> Vakhtang Maisaia Alika Guchua Thornike Zedelashvili Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 105 119 10.18778/1427-9657.09.07 Russia’s hybrid invasion in Belarus during the presidential election campaign 2020 https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9897 <p>There are various instruments for Russia to have influence on its neighbours, such as using opinion leaders (authorities), intellectuals, and journalists to create a favourable informational context or to place the ordered materials in the media so as to have an impact on public opinion. These are the types of information attacks that can lead to the loss of statehood or the substantial limitation of sovereignty. This hybrid aggression strives to precisely this result. The main questions are: how the Russian information space, mud-slinging and troll farms functioned in Belarus during the presidential election? How the fake news which is produced in Russia impacts societies? Which political scenarios appeared in Belarus following Russia’s informational influence? It is a fact that today the Russian authorities use tools of <em>fake news </em>and propaganda; combined with the extra possibilities of social media. The appearance of <em>fake news </em>is connected with national safety because they jeopardize democratic institutions, lead to the radicalization of society, and change the balance of authority. In the research, the methodologies were used from the sociology of communication, political science and content analysis.</p> Anastasiya Ilyina Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 121 129 10.18778/1427-9657.09.08 A common gas market for Visegrad Group countries https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9898 <p>The construction of the North-South Gas Corridor, regional energy integration and international cooperation in the Visegrad Group (Poland, Hungary, Czech Republic and Slovakia) can be determinants for the creation of a common gas market for four Eastern Europe countries (V4). The starting point for this work is concerned with the technical possibilities, chances, threats and necessary steps for the development of the existing infrastructure. The import capacities of countries neighbouring the V4 territory and the internal gas transmission potential inside the indicated group of countries have been presented in this paper. Special attention was paid to the international possibilities of using underground gas storage. The V4 countries, in particular, were examined due to their location between the Russian Federation and Western European gas consumers, and due to the need to ensure the security of supply, volumes and directions of import and export for each from. The bringing online of the gas connection between Norway and Poland, along with the construction of the Croatian LNG terminal, and the establishment of a common gas market for deliveries inside V4 may significantly contribute to determining a new physical direction of the gas flow in this part of Europe.</p> Michał Kumor Stanisław Porada Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 131 148 10.18778/1427-9657.09.09 The consequences of the migration crisis on the Balkan route and human rights: The current situation and prospects in Serbia https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9899 <p>This paper reflects on reports documenting human rights violations on the Balkan route as one of the implications of European migration policies, and applies them to the Serbian context. The Republic of Serbia is considered as one of the main transit countries for the migrant traffic on the Balkan Peninsula and eventually has become an unlikely gatekeeper of European Union when many migrants got stranded on its territory as a result of gradual border securitization. Further politics of closed borders have caused a serious concern of non-governmental organizations and activists when violent practices of security forces and smugglers got revealed. Serbia, in its pursuit of EU accession, must prove its respect for fundamental human rights while not losing sight of its national interest.</p> Magdalena Bogucewicz Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 149 167 10.18778/1427-9657.09.10 A sociological perspective on the phenomenon of solo-living in Eastern Europe: An attempt at conceptualization https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9900 <p>This article examines the phenomenon of solitary living as a consequence of the processes of individualization that are characteristic of the entire modern world. The urgency of this problem arises from the increase in the number of individuals who prefer to live alone. Although this trend is typical for Eastern Europe, as it is for the rest of the world, it is not widely considered in scientific circles. Whilst analyzing scientific literature in different spheres (philosophy, economics, psychology, sociology) and statistical data on solitary living, the author has come to the conclusion that to describe the phenomenon in a sociological vein, it is most appropriate to consider solitary living as a “solo-living” lifestyle. The article also examines the main studies of solitary living in Eastern Europe, and through such work, it was concluded that there is not enough research: current research mainly considers single living among the older generation, despite the fact that the number of young people who prefer this lifestyle continues to grow. In the course of the study, the author was faced with the problem of layering related concepts: solos, singles, solo-living, single-person households, and others. To avoid this problem, the author distinguishes between these concepts and makes an attempt to conceptualize the concept of “solo-living”, offers the author’s definition, and outlines further research prospects.</p> Daria Yashkina Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 169 187 10.18778/1427-9657.09.11 “The right to the post-Soviet city”: Analysing communication gaps in the public space https://czasopisma.uni.lodz.pl/eastern/article/view/9901 <p>The paper investigates the <em>communication gaps in the public spaces </em>of post-Soviet cities (from the perspective of business-government-society interaction) through the spatial paradigm lens of urban sociology coupled with the perspective of communications studies. The author analyzes the particularities of the spatial organization of post-Soviet cities; describes the main features of their urban public space; and examines their impact on the patterns of social interactions. The paper presents the results of empirical research into the government-business relationship, using the case of Minsk, the capital city of Belarus. The author specifically focuses on the instances of communicative dysfunction (i.e. communication gaps) as the manifestation of social distance, exploring its nature from the perspective of the concept of “a Stranger”. The findings point at a need to supplement the local communities with local public communication channels and content.</p> Elena V. Lebedeva Prawa autorskie (c) 2021 https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-nc-nd/4.0 2020-12-30 2020-12-30 9 189 209 10.18778/1427-9657.09.12